Home > The Future of Federalism in the European Union
The Future of Federalism in the European Union
University of Pittsburgh
Director
The European Union Center
Center for West European Studies
UCIS Research Professor of Political Science
University of Pittsburgh
4E40 Posvar Hall
Pittsburgh, PA 15260
Sbragia@ucis.pitt.edu
Phone: 412.648-7405
Keynote Address delivered
at the European Community Studies Association Canada (ECSA-C) 2004 Biennial
Conference “A Constitution for Europe? Governance and Policy Making
in the European Union” 27-29 May 2004, Gouverneur Hotel-Place Dupuis,
Montreal, Canada
I
do not need to emphasize that the European Union is in many ways
sui generis. It is clearly unlike any of the national systems which
social scientists study. Similarly, it is not necessary for me to point
out that the European Union is unlike any other international or regional
organization with which we are familiar. The EU is made up of 1) very
distinctive institutions and 2) member-states which are simultaneously
members of the European Union and of other international organizations.
It governs without having its own government, but the governments of
its member-states cannot govern at home independently of the European
Union.
Although
the last 15 years or so have seen the emergence of new regional economic
organizations-NAFTA being the most prominent and the most important--none
are like the European Union. Scholars have thus debated the best way
to approach understanding the process of European integration and especially
its distinctive decision-making and institutional arrangements.
Federalism
is one of the oldest lens through which to view the process of European
integration. “The federal vision”, to use Kalypso Nicolodais’
and Robert Howse’s phrase, has been used by both activists in the
movement toward European integration and by scholars who have analyzed
the process of integration.1 Both groups have seen the “federal like”
characteristics of the European Union as manifested in the European
Parliament’s ever expanding powers, the key role played by the European
Court of Justice, and the importance of the Commission as a policy entrepreneur
and policy initiator as well as in the extraordinary existence of a
single central bank and a common currency. The policy areas falling
under pillar one have been the bread and butter of scholars working
within this tradition. That which scholars of the EU term “supranational”
is viewed as “federal like” by scholars of federalism.
The
federal vision has been viewed as in opposition to the “intergovernmental”
perspective which is institutionally represented in the European Council
and the Council of Ministers. Those working within that intergovernmental
tradition have focused their attention on the intergovernmental conferences
which lead to treaty revision, the institutions representing the member
states, the role of the member states in the decision making process,
and the policy areas falling under justice and home affairs and the
common foreign and security policy. Intergovernmentalists view the member
states as holding the keys to European integration whereas those in
the federal tradition tend to view the existence and power of multiple
supranational institutions as evidence that the international organization
born in 1958 has left its intergovernmentalist anchor.
Scholars interested in examining the “federal like” characteristics of the Union, therefore, focus their attention on those issue areas and policymaking institutions which are important in pillar one. Using that optic, they tend to see the EU as a “semi polity”. The existence of a common trade policy and a common currency alongside the implementation of the single market and a common monetary policy underpins the argument that the evolution of the European Union can be compared to the evolution of existing federations. David McKay, for example, argues that “the post-Maastricht EU has developed into a species of federal state”.2
The
EU of course does not always make it easy for those wishing to argue
that the EU is some kind of federal entity. The reality that, for example,
the EU has been unable to agree to a common EU patent is a problem.
An attempt which has gone on for over 30 years has--once again--failed.
Viewed in a comparative perspective, the refusal by the Council of Ministers
two weeks ago to approve an EU patent which the Commission proposed
in 2000 as part of the Lisbon process is striking. If we compare that
to the US experience, the rejection is particularly noteworthy. The
Philadelphia Convention explicitly authorized the federal government
to protect new inventions, and the first US patent statute became law
in 1790, even before the US had a 13th state. In fact, the
first patent was approved by the Secretary of State, the Secretary of
War, and the Attorney General “who sat in dignity” to approve it.
During the American Civil War, the Confederate government authorized
the setting up of a patent office even before the states of Virginia
and Tennessee seceded from the Union.
What kind of organization
is it that cannot agree to such an important instrument in the economic
field, precisely that area in which the EU’s powers and therefore
its federal-like characteristics are strongest? And of course the fact
that no one is even discussing a European Union stamp has to give one
pause-apparently one can have a common currency but not a common stamp
or a common patent. In a different arena there are problems as well---such
as a lack of legitimacy and the much-discussed democratic deficit.
For
analysts interested in emphasizing the federal-like characteristics
of the Union, however, all such problems are in fact indicative of the
fact that the Union is a semi-polity which has not yet
transformed itself into a complete polity. Viewed from the federalist’s
perspective, the European Union is still evolving toward a more extensively
supranational institutional structure. Thus, in spite of its deficits,
the current state of the European Union can be viewed as exhibiting
very significant federal type arrangements.
Although
the focus of federalist scholarship is on the supranational character
of the Union, the fact that the member-states play a key role in the
Union is not surprising. Federalism can easily incorporate subcentral
governments as important actors at the center. Thus, the importance
of intergovernmentalism and the acknowledgement that the member-states
play a key role in the decision-making process is not a problem from
the federalist perspective. After all, the member-states are constrained
by an independent Commission, an independent Parliament, and an independent
European Court of Justice. For federalist scholarship, the co-existence
of supranationalism and intergovernmentalism is to be expected and in
fact provides a “marker” which identifies the EU as a subject suitable
for study through the lens of federalism.
Nonetheless,
it is the existence of the supranational feature of the Union that attracts
scholars working in this tradition. That supranational character means
that institutions exist which are independent from the control of the
member states. The existence of such independent institutions---which
interact with the member states---leads to a “balancing act” between
the representation of the national or territorial interest and the representation
of the “European” or functional interest. It is that “balancing
act” which makes federalism such a useful analytic lens by which to
analyze the Union.3
One
of the key reasons why scholars interested in federalism pay so much
attention to the autonomy of institutions from member-states is the
traditional distinction between confederations and federations. Confederations
have traditionally been viewed as institutional arrangements in which
member states retain a great deal of control over the demarcation of
competences between the member states and the institutions of the confederacy
as well as over policy content.
Although
confederations differ in important ways from traditional multilateral
institutions, they are unfortunately typically compared to federations
rather than to traditional international organizations. EU scholars
have tended to equate “confederal” with “intergovernmental”--the
two however are quite different. Although the difference between
a confederal model of governance and a strictly intergovernmental one
is important, it has been under-studied.4 The dynamics of inter-state bargaining among
the EU member-states when they negotiated conventions (such as the Schengen
Agreement and the Dublin Convention on the Country of First Asylum)
would be interesting to study for example.
Federations,
for their part, have been viewed as arrangements in which the important
decision-making role of constituent units is offset by important policy-making
institutions which are not under the control of those constituent
units. Such institutions include the judiciary and those legislative
institutions representing the electorate rather than representing territory.
Furthermore, amending the constitution does not usually require unanimity
on the part of the constituent members. In the legal realm, confederations
as traditionally conceptualized differ from federations in that laws
adopted by the confederation do not have direct effect. Law, therefore,
has direct effect in federations but not confederations.
The
distinction between a federation, a confederation, and a strictly international/multilateral
grouping has in fact not played an important role in recent analyses
of the European Union. Generally, scholars of federalism have paid surprisingly
little attention to the non-supranational but confederal aspects of
the Union. That is probably due to the fact that most confederations
historically were primarily security rather than economic confederations.
Furthermore, they often did not last very long as was the case in the
United States. The example of the American Confederation which was replaced
by the American federation and the replacement of the Articles of Confederation
by the U.S. Constitution have symbolized the idea of a confederation
as something essentially unsustainable, as an arrangement that cannot
work over long periods of time.
Yet
today I would like to ask whether this traditional lack of interest
in confederations may prevent us from understanding the structural impact
of the Constitution on the European Union. It may be that it leads us
to misinterpret the direction in which the Union is actually evolving.
The argument I would like to make today is that we begin to include
a serious consideration of confederalism whenever we discuss federalism
in the European Union. I cannot present the argument in any detail due
to time constraints, so please take this as a tabloid version.
Daniel
Elazar is the scholar who probably did more than anyone else to put
federalism as a topic of inquiry on the map of the Anglophone world.
He viewed federalism as belonging to both confederations and federations.
Federalism in Elazar’s view is different from the institutionalized
state structure found in a traditional federal state such as Canada
or the United States. Federalism in his view was an institutionalized
combination “of self rule and shared rule.”5
The essential component of federalism in fact was that very co-existence
of “self rule and shared rule”. That conceptualization, in turn,
would include both confederations and federations.
If applied to the EU, such a definition would not necessarily make a major distinction between shared rule arrived at via the Community method--involving the Commission, the Parliament, and the European Court of Justice---and the intergovernmental method--involving the Council of Ministers and the European Council. Shared rule is shared rule--it can be accomplished either through a supranational arrangement such as pillar one or a much more confederal arrangement. In this confederal model, governments would collectively rule each other--producing shared rule-by accepting as binding the decisions of a supermajority of the governments comprising the collectivity. No supranational element as EU scholars traditionally conceive of supranationality would be involved at all, and yet we would find “shared rule with self rule.”
The
European Constitution being currently debated is designed to expand
the range of “shared rule.” Negotiations are ongoing as we speak,
and thus we do not know its final contents.6 I shall therefore refer to its general contours
only. I would argue that the constitution, if it actually is ratified
and put into place, could well be a turning point in the history of
the Union because it changes the nature of the “balancing act” I
spoke of earlier. In a sense, the Constitution performs a “rebalancing
act.”
The Constitution,
to put it simply, institutionalizes two models of shared rule, reconfigures
the balance among the institutions within both models, and tries to
establish a bridge between the two models. Thus, it institutionalizes
both the supranational and the confederal models and in so doing
changes the balance between the two, reshapes the inter-institutional
relationships within each model, and tries to provide some kind of over-all
coherence and the capacity to act strategically in the international
system.
The
supranational and confederal models created by the Constitution would
both be somewhat different from those which have been traditionally
conceptualized. The EU would be a double hybrid--a strong federal-type
arrangement which lacks a federal government, on the one hand,
and, on the other, a confederal type arrangement with a comparatively
strong political center but a relatively small institutional apparatus.
The federal type arrangement, a la pillar one, would have strong
institutions but no real political “center”, whereas the confederal
model would have a relatively strong “center” but undeveloped institutions.
The
Constitution will clearly keep supranationality within what has been
traditionally called pillar one and will extend at least some elements
of supranationality to the area of justice and home affairs. It will
institutionalize a confederal model in the area of the common foreign
and security policy and will keep some elements of justice and home
affairs in that model. The area of justice and home affairs in fact
will be very complex precisely because it is the policy area affected
by both these models.
The
institutionalization of the confederal model is indicated by the Constitution’s
acknowledgement of what has been clear for some time. As Youri
Devuyst has recently argued, “since the 1990s, the Commission’s
role as the engine of the European integration process has been gradually
overtaken by the European Council.”7 That fact is reflected in the Constitution which
recognizes the European Council as an EU institution and gives it a
strategic role in the area of justice and home affairs even though the
Commission’s role in that area is enhanced. In fact, the Constitution,
by recognizing the key role of the European Council vis a vis
all other institutions, acknowledges that the supranational dimension
of the Union actually incorporates a strong dose of confederalism. That
same confederalism is also evident in the tiny budget which the member
states grant to the Union.
The
decision to give the Union as a whole a legal personality also institutionalizes
the confederal model and moves the member-states away from a strictly
intergovernmental model. For example, the role of member-states in international
organizations is to be much more coordinated and the EU Foreign Minister
is to be kept informed about relevant activities.8
In general, the Constitution moves the whole area of foreign and security
policy toward a more confederal model than has been the case in the
past.
That
can also be said for the proposal that the European Council elect a
President by qualified majority. If such a proposal is in fact adopted,
the President of the European Council could become the key political
figure within the Union. In a similar vein, the appointment of the Union
Minister for Foreign Affairs by the European Council, again by qualified
majority, strengthens the confederal nature of the European Council
and institutionalizes the European Council’s role in pillar one as
well as in the confederal model.
Within
the supranational model, a rebalancing will take place among the institutions.
The main winner will be the European Parliament which will gain the
right to participate much more extensively in co-decision and to have
the final say on the budget. The role of the Commission will be different
from what it has been in the past in that the Parliament now becomes
a key decision-maker across a broad range of areas. If it manages to
play a role in the area of trade, as proposed by the Constitution, the
European Parliament will enhance its role even further.
In
general, the “territorial” dimension of the Commission has been
re-emphasized by the desire among the small states to appoint a Commissioner.
Although formally Commissioners have been mandated to represent the
European interest, in practice a Commissioner for many national governments
has been at least a source of information and, in extreme cases, a lobbyist.
The debate over Commissioners has reaffirmed both how important the
Commission remains to the supranational enterprise but also how intertwined
it is with the representation of territorial interest. Given the increased
powers of the Commission President vis a vis the rest of the
College of Commissioners, the nationality of the Commission President
is likely to be seen as even more salient in the future than it has
been in the past.
Finally,
a rebalancing will also occur within the Council of Ministers. First
of all, the small states, no matter what the outcome of the current
negotiations are, will have a less advantageous position than they had
pre-Nice and even post-Nice.9 The traditional “affirmative action” for
small states which made the European Union so unique will have been
significantly diluted. Along the same lines, the Foreign Affairs Council
will be exceptionally important as it will be chaired by the Union Minister
for Foreign Affairs rather than the rotating presidency which will chair
the other sectoral councils. It is likely to become the preeminent Council.
One
of the most interesting aspects of the Constitution as it goes about
“rebalancing” both the federal and confederal models and the relationships
within each model is that it tries to construct links between the two
models. A key figure in that linkage attempt will be the Union Minister
for Foreign Affairs. Although a representative of the Commission has
always been present at Council meetings, the Council has never been
institutionally represented within the Commission. That now will change
as the Union Minister for Foreign Affairs, who will be appointed by
the European Council, will simultaneously chair the Foreign Affairs
Council and serve as Vice President of the Commission. The European
Council, acting under a qualified majority decision rule will be acting
in its most confederal mode when it appoints the Foreign Affairs Minister.
The Minister, for his part, will straddle both sides of the federal/confederal
divide.
The
European External Action Service will provide a second link between
the federal and confederal models. Although the Constitution did not
go into detail, it is clear that the members of the Service will come
from both the Commission and the Council as well as incorporate national
officials. The formation of the Service will undoubtedly include a great
many turf battles.10 It is also true, however, that creating an EU
diplomatic service will link the two models--at least outside of the
European Union itself.
The
Constitution thus seems to me to deepen and extend the reach of federalism
within the Union. The supranational model is enhanced while institutional
relationships are rebalanced within it. Simultaneously the various intergovernmental
types of relationships which the member-states have pursued outside
of pillar one and outside the Union are I think being pulled together
in what would be a recognizable confederal model. Federalism -understood
as “shared rule”--is evident in both pillar one and pillar two.
Does the Constitution
represent a step toward a federation as traditionally defined? No, Is
it a step toward a deeper and more sophisticated form of shared rule?
Yes. Is it a step toward a “government” as traditionally defined
in a federal state? No. Is it a step toward more governance understood
as more shared rule? Yes. It is precisely because the degree of shared
rule is going to be deepened and made more intrusive that the issue
of representation is so critical. It precisely because of the expanded
range of shared rule that the issue of voting weights and representation
in the Commission is so vital. Andrew Moravscik has been arguing that
the European Union has come to a plateau. I do not agree. I would argue
that shared rule is going to deepen which is why the conflict over representation
is so visceral and so very difficult.
It
is quite possible however that the Constitution, once approved by governments,
will not come into force due to problems of ratification. If that should
be the case, I would expect the confederal model to emerge even without
the Constitution. The model will be patchier and perhaps develop less
slowly than it otherwise would have, but I think the chances are quite
high that the member-states will begin to act in a confederal manner
in the area of common and foreign security policy. The supranational
model within the Union would remain largely as it is, but the confederal
model would keep evolving.
External
events I think will force that. The new enlarged European Union now
lives in a different geopolitical world than it did before May 2004.
The Caucuses and Central Asia rather than Eastern Europe are now its
neighborhood. Its “regional system” is now a different kind
of place.
The
signals that external events will force the pace of confederalism are
already evident: the President of Azerbaijan last week asked the EU
to become more involved in bringing a resolution to the Azerbaijan-Armenia
dispute while the response to the bombings in Madrid led to the appointment
of an anti-terror “tsar” who will report to Javier Solana. In a
similar vein, discussions are already going on about appointing the
EU foreign minister during the next Commission’s term rather than
waiting until 2009. And it is likely that the European External Action
Service will be formed before the Constitution is ratified and will
go ahead even if the Constitution is rejected. Just as the attack of
September 11, 2001 led to the adoption of the European “arrest warrant”,
it is almost certain that the European Council will act ever more cohesively
as external events impinge on the European Union.
In
conclusion, I am arguing that discussions of federalism in the European
Union need to incorporate serious analyses of the confederal form of
governance. The process of writing a constitutional treaty has, perhaps
ironically, served as a catalyst for a significant movement on the part
of the EU’s member-states toward a greater degree of “shared rule”
outside of both the supranational and intergovernmental models. I think
that a deeper form of shared rule will develop even if the constitution
itself is not ratified. The European Union therefore would become
a more balanced entity--the balance being between a “federal type”
or “supranational” arrangement, on the one hand, and a confederal
or “shared rule” arrangement on the other. Federalism defined as
the combination of “shared rule and self rule” is thus alive and
well in Europe and will continue to shape the future of Europe’s citizens
as well as the future of the Americas.
1 Kalypso Nicolaidis and Robert Howse (eds.) 2001. The Federal Vision: Legitimacy and Levels of Governance in the United States and the European Union. Oxford University Press.
2 David McKay. 2001. Designing Europe: Comparative Lessons from the Federal Experience. Oxford University Press: 6.
3 Alberta Sbragia. Summer 1993. “The European Community: A Balancing Act,” Publius: The Journal of Federalism. Vol. 23, No. 3, pp. 23-38.
4 For an exception, see Frederick K. Lister, 1996. The European Union, the United States, and the Revival of Confederal Governance, Westport, Conn: Greenwood; Frederick K. Lister. 2001. The Later Security Confederations: The American, “New” Swiss, and German Unions. Westport, Conn: Greenwood; Murray Forsyth, 1981. Unions of States. Leicester University Press.
5 Daniel J. Elazar. 1995. Federalism: An Overview. Pretoria: HSRC Publishers, p. 2.
6 Technically, the Constitution is a treaty and should therefore be referred to as a Treaty-Constitution. However, I shall follow conventional usage and refer to it as a Constitution.
7 Youri Devuyst, EU Decision-Making after the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe, unpublished manuscript, May 2004, p.8
8 Simon Duke, The Convention, the draft Constitution and External Relations: Effects and Implications for the EU and its International Role. European Institute of Public Administration, Working Paper No. 2003/W/2, p. 7
9 Alberta Sbragia. July 2000. “The Treaty of Nice, Institutional Balance, and Uncertainty,” Governance, Vol. 15, No. 3.
10 Simon Duke, The Convention, the draft Constitution and External Relations: Effects and Implications for the EU and its International Role. European Institute of Public Administration, Working Paper No. 2003/W/2, p. 9
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