Home > THE FAMILY TREE OF JAMES McALPINE - ROOTS AND ALL
THE FAMILY TREE OF JAMES McALPINE
- ROOTS AND ALL
by James Francis McAlpine (born 25 Sep 1922 in Maynooth, Ontario, Canada),
524 Evered Avenue,
Ottawa, Ontario,
Canada, K1Z 5K8
"Let us now sing the praises of our ancestors in their generations. These were godly people, whose righteous deeds have not been forgotten; their offspring will continue forever, and their glory will never be blotted out. Their bodies are buried in peace, but their name lives on generation after generation."
Sirach 44:1, 10, 13-14
Table of Contents
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Most people know their immediate parents and many know their grandparents. Some are fortunate enough to know some of their great-grandparents, but very few are privileged to know, first hand, any of their great-great-grandparents. Consequently, the farther back we go into our ancestry, the more the light of knowledge fades, and the deeper the silence about our forebears becomes.
In early tribal society, genealogical information and family lore was faithfully transmitted by word of mouth from generation to generation. Today, however, such traditions have all but disappeared from our fast moving society. In the vacuum left, is the common regret that the older we become, the more we wish we had recorded what our older relatives knew about our progenitors. With all the modern means we now have for recording and storing data for posterity, this should be a relatively easy task, but all too few take the time and trouble to actually do it. This account is my attempt to fulfill these age-old genealogical traditions for our branch of the McAlpines. Preparation of it has been a voyage of discovery for me and for many of my generation of descendants. It is hoped that it will be a lasting source of information from which younger generations especially, can derive a sense of who they are and where they came from - information that gives meaning, substance and beauty to our heritage.
I am a great-grandson of the James McAlpine named in the title. I never knew him, but for as long as I can remember, I have had a yearning to know more about my paternal family roots. My genealogical curiosity was inherited from both my paternal and maternal sides, but the urge to write up an account for others who might share the same interest is likely to have come primarily from my mother. She was Isabel Edna McLean, a truly remarkable woman descended from the ancient McLeans of Duart from the Scottish Isle of Mull, and the Quaker Moores, who emigrated to Pennsylvania, U.S.A. in 1723, from County Antrim in Ireland. The Moores were, and still are, particularly attentive to their family history.1
My father, John Patrick McAlpine, was the last-born of a family of nine. I enjoyed long and pleasant associations with him and many of his brothers and sisters. His mother, Maria Donahoe, died when he was a boy, but his father, James Francis McAlpine, my namesake, lived to a ripe old age. I was born just soon enough to retain a few childhood memories of my grandfather, Grandpa Jimmy. Some of his peers called him Jimmy Kelpin, or Limber Jim. Grandpa Jimmy's oldest brother, John, known in our family as Uncle Johnny, cleared a farm in Monteagle Township, Hastings County, Ontario, adjacent to Jimmy's. Uncle Johnny was married twice and raised seventeen children, but he died five years before I arrived on the scene. Jimmy's and Johnny's families were close, not only in proximity, but also in the sense of community and family ties. Whenever and wherever my uncles, aunts and cousins got together, the conversation inevitably involved Jimmy's Johnny, Johnny's Jimmy, Johnny's Jimmy's Jimmy, Johnny's Jimmy's Johnny and many other confusing combinations of names. In addition, they spoke of Black Mike and Red Mike, Long Jack and Yankee Jack, Big Jim and Terra Jim, and other such appellations. I never tired of listening to those conversations, and the more confusing the names were, the more I wanted to understand the relationships of the subjects and to associate personalities with them. Such interest in ancestry and heritage is, of course, a dominant trait of the Celtic race, and from that standpoint it is perhaps not surprising that it was continued in the combination of genes that was passed on to me. All my racial roots are Celtic from as far back into the past as I can ascertain.
1.1 Early Explorations
The task of compilation began about the time I left home and married Naomi Marie Deady. (September 28, 1950 - my parents were married on the same date twenty-nine years previously, and my maternal grandparents were also married on this same date twenty-nine years before that!). My paternal uncles and aunts often visited us in our new home in Ottawa, Ontario and frequently stayed with us for relatively long periods of time. During these visits, I made it a point to gain from them as much genealogical information as they could remember. I always wrote it down and gradually built up the framework of a family tree, along with a file of anecdotes, photos and various other documentary evidence. A highlight of these early explorations was a visit in 1956, with my mother, to the Canadian National Archives in Ottawa to search for documentation. There we found a record from the 1861 Census of Canada that listed the names and ages of my great-grandparents, James and Ann (Collins) McAlpine and their family. Among other things, it showed that James and Ann had emigrated from County Mayo, Ireland, in 1841 with their first child, Margaret, and settled in Erinsville, Ontario.
During conversations with my father's oldest brother, also a James Francis, he related how his father used to speak about a Patrick McAlpine who was a priest in Ireland. This priest had received part of his education in Montreal and was considered to be a cousin; it was alleged that he was well informed on the family genealogy, and he was credited with establishing the correct spelling of our surname, McAlpine, among those who had emigrated to Erinsville. Prior to this, the name had been spelled in various ways, depending on how it was interpreted by the census taker, the priest or other recorder. In the 1861 Census of Canada, enumerator Michael C. Murphy spelled it "McKelpin"; on the baptismal record of my father's sister, Margaret, the officiating priest spelled it "Kelpin; and on the tombstone of my great-grandfather James, at Erinsville, the engraver spelled it "McCalpin".
One of my many attempts to learn more about this Reverend Patrick McAlpine paid off. In January 1966, I was informed by the Right Reverend Monsignor Gerard Mitchell, D.D., then President of St. Patrick's College, Maynooth, Ireland, as follows:
"There was a priest in the Archdiocese of Tuam, who was a native of Castlebar, Monsignor Patrick McAlpine, who was a parish priest at Clifden in the County of Galway, and vicar-general of the diocese. He died in 1932 at the age of 85, so he must have been ordained about 1870. His obituary (see page 169) states that he was educated at Maynooth and Montreal."
Monsignor Mitchell also informed me that this Monsignor McAlpine had a nephew, Reverend Patrick F. McAlpine, from Ballyvary (near Castlebar) who was a priest at the Church of the Sacred Heart, Biloxi, Mississippi, U.S.A.2 I wrote to the latter priest and later received a letter from his brother, John McAlpine3, who was then working in London, England. John told me that his father, a James McAlpine, was a twin brother of Monsignor Patrick McAlpine, and that their grandfather, Patrick McAlpine, was a brother of my great-grandfather, James. This, of course, was a giant breakthrough into our ancestry in Ireland, but the best was yet to come.
On March 5, 1966, during a tour of natural history museums in Europe, I visited the Irish National Museum in Dublin to study an entomological collection there. I took the opportunity to make a one day side-trip to Castlebar, County Mayo - the town nearest the birthplace of my great-grandparents, James McAlpine and Ann Collins. At that time I did not know if any McAlpines still lived there or not. To my knowledge, none of James' and Ann's descendants had ever returned there, and the John McAlpine (the nephew of Monsignor Patrick McAlpine) from Ballyvary was then living in London, England. As it turned out, I was incredibly lucky and experienced one of the most memorable days of my life visiting with relatives in and around Castlebar. Perhaps the best way to describe the events of that day is to reproduce the letter I wrote home the following day :
"Dublin, March 6, 1966
Dear Naomi and family:
This has been a truly memorable weekend for me. Many people must have been praying for me for no human hand could have planned this last few days so well. I completed my work at the Irish National Museum on Friday, but couldn't get a flight back to London until Monday, so I decided to buy a railway passage to Castlebar for Saturday. If nothing else, I would see the country.
Saturday morning I boarded my train at 9:10. The weather was lovely which I am told is quite unusual for Ireland at this time of the year. I sat with a young priest by the name of Father Ferry who informed me about everything of interest along the way. He had attended the University of Illinois, also, but he was at Chicago instead of Champagne-Urbana (where I studied in 1952 to 1956).
Just before we reached Castlebar, a lady who sat nearby struck up a conversation with me. She was going to Castlebar to visit her two daughters who were attending a boarding school there. She kindly invited me to accompany her when the train stopped at the little station and offered to show me a good place to eat. Her two daughters met her at the station with a taxi and on our way up to the town she asked them if there were any McAlpine girls at their school. "Oh yes", they said, "Betty McAlpine was in our class until she took a job at Gavin's store." The mother insisted on stopping the taxi and taking me into Gavin's store to meet Betty. She asked the little girl behind the counter if she was a McAlpine, to which she replied with a delightful Irish brogue, "Yaiss, I'm Bethy McAlpine". I felt intuitively that she was one of our family; she resembled Isabel (our daughter) somewhat in appearance - fair-haired, blue-eyed and smiled in the same way. She told me where her parents lived (Lisnaponra, Logaphuill) and suggested I go out to visit them.
I stayed at Gavin's for lunch and arranged for the same taxi driver, a Mr. Leonard, to take me out to Betty's home at Logaphuill. There I found Bridie and "Little John" McAlpine with three of their five children. Bridie was busy chasing hens out of the garden, but she politely listened to my story with increasing interest. She welcomed me into their little home to tell Johnny and they both seemed sincerely glad to see me. Johnny is about the same size as I am. He was very shy at first but loosened up in a few minutes. He talks with such a brogue: "Aye, we got thorty acres heer-r and lots of wor-r-k too". Bridie is a dear soul with a heart of gold. She understood my situation immediately and said, "Johnny, I'll go with him to see all the others; it'll be so much better if somebody who knows them goes along to explain for him." So she dropped everything, put on her coat and took me around to all the McAlpines in the vicinity of Castlebar. It turned out to be among the happiest four or five hours of my life. It was like going back a hundred and twenty years and arriving home after a very long absence.
Bridie first took me to "Big John" McAlpine's home at Lightford, a few miles away. He also lives on a farm. When we arrived he and his daughter Cathy were out in the barnyard. "Big John" greatly resembles my Grandpa Jimmy McAlpine and my Uncle Frank McAlpine, except he is not as tall. He was very shy too, and full of apologies for his "tur-rble appearance". "Ach", he said, "I look like a tinker". Nevertheless, he was glad to meet me and let me take his picture. He is about fifty-five years of age, and has suffered a lot of sickness in recent years. He has a handsome big son, Michael, who works in Castlebar. I met him on the street later in the afternoon.
Next, we visited Bridget Mary (McAlpine) Gavin in Castlebar. Her husband is an invalid. She reminded me much of my Aunt Tess in appearance and she is also a great talker like Tess. She poured me a glass of "refrishments" (Irish whiskey) and was really pleased that I had come to see them. She is also interested in our family history and I'm sure she will be a good source of information on the McAlpines in Ireland. In the course of our conversation, it suddenly became apparent that her son, Michael, who works for Aer Lingus in London was the one who directed me to a place to stay while in Dublin!
(When Bridget Mary was telling me about her family, she mentioned that Michael worked for Aer Lingus in London, and that led to the realization that he and I had already met. At the time we met, however, neither he nor I had the faintest inkling that we had anything in common.)
Following our visit with Bridget Mary, Bridie took me out to Mt. Gordon on the other side of Castlebar to see Mary (McAlpine) Gilmartin. Mary's husband died some years ago and she and her brother, Martin, lived together on her little farm until last November when he died also. Poor Mary is trying to carry on alone. She is like my cousins Marguerite (Fitzgerald) Burnside and Lorraine (McAlpine) Slater in appearance and personality. She made us a cup of tea, brewed over real Irish turf in a real Irish hearth. She served it with home-made brown bread, which she sliced from a loaf held under her left arm in the same manner as Aunt Tess. She wanted to boil me a "hin egg" to eat with it. In the course of our visit she introduced her Collie dog to me and watched him very closely. After a while she said, "Will ye shake hands with the man, Tiny?" Tiny lifted his paw and rubbed his head on my knee. Mary was surprised. "Will ye look at that now! Ye must be one o' thim; he rarely takes on with any but them that he knows!" After helping Mary put her cows in the barn, all of us, including the taxi-man, went to the best restaurant and entertainment house in Castlebar. It was an elegant place, located on a hill overlooking the town. I paid the taxi-man there, and he immediately spent most of it to buy a round of drinks. He and I exchanged Irish whiskeys and Bridie and Mary had a glass of sherry. Bridie remarked, "Do ye think we should be takin' it in Lint?" We all assured her that the special occasion merited a drop or two together.
Our day continued with a visit to the cemetery where generations of McAlpines are buried, including Mary's father and brother. Then we walked all around the town, population about 5,000. It is a beautiful little town, as neat as a pin and so comfortable and homey looking. When I departed for the station to return to Dublin, Bridie and Mary held both my hands and kissed my cheeks. Bridie said, "Please God, ye'll come back again someday". I surely hated to leave! The taxi-man, so obliging and agreeable, like everybody else I've met in Ireland, seemed to enjoy the day as much as we did. When he left me at the train he said, "Well my friend, you're as welcome in Castlebar as the flowers in spring."
So there's the story of a perfect
day. I've written it out in detail to pass along to my mother and dad,
to Margaret and Tess (aunts), to Frank and Mike (uncles) and anyone
else who might be interested. Don't lose it though, for I would like
to eventually put it in my permanent file."
The up-shot of establishing contact with John McAlpine from Ballyvary was that word of my interest in the McAlpine genealogy was eventually transmitted to another distant cousin, Walter Martin Allen, then living in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, who, unknown to me, was also engaged in tracing our family history. He had also been in correspondence with John McAlpine from Ballyvary and through him, Walter learned of my similar interests and contacted me. The result was that we were able to dove-tail our efforts and our findings and make much greater progress than either of us could have made alone.
Walter Allen is a direct descendant of Martin McAlpine (married Catherine Loftus), another brother of Monsignor Patrick McAlpine (see Charts 5,6,6C) who emigrated to New York in 1871. Walter's mother, Catherine Frances (McAlpine) Allen, Martin's youngest daughter, had a deep interest in her McAlpine heritage and often discussed it with her family. On several occasions her uncle, Monsignor Patrick McAlpine, who had made himself an authority on the family genealogy, visited their home and during these visits the family tree was one of the main topics of conversation. Fortunately, Catherine Frances made notes on the information provided by the Monsignor and her father Martin. These notes have been invaluable to Walter and me in our efforts to assemble all the data known by Monsignor Patrick and his parents. In addition to having these notes, however, Walter spent a great deal of time, money and effort in conducting an extensive survey of early archives and records for the McAlpine surname in Scotland before and during the seventeenth century. Thanks to his generosity, the pertinent information he obtained from that survey is incorporated in this account.
Preparation of this account has been a great source of joy and satisfaction. From the outset it has been a continuing sequence of surprises, and each new discovery elicits a new thrill. Many of the discoveries came about under unplanned circumstances and at unexpected times. For example, when I first began to collect data, my father, John Patrick, while he did not know his grandparents' names, remembered two old pictures of them dating back to the 1860's that used to hang in "the parlour" of his father's homestead. For some twenty years I sought these pictures among all our relatives and finally came to the assumption that they had been destroyed. Then one day in 1962, unannounced and unsolicited, Joe Leveque, the gentleman who had purchased my grandfather's farm from my father in 1927 came to us with a package of large, old, charcoal portraits. Lo and behold! They included the much sought after pictures of my great grandparents, James and Ann (Collins) McAlpine. He had come upon them in the loft of an old log horsebarn that he had just demolished. Many years before, they had been removed from their frames and stashed there for safe keeping. Except for some fly specks they were in excellent condition!
Another unexpected discovery concerns the documentation relating to my grandmother, Maria (Donahoe) McAlpine's, half brothers - the first family of her mother, Bridget (McKeown) (McAlpine) Donahoe. Bridget's first husband, Patrick McAlpine (first cousin of James, see Chart 5), and two sons perished on the sailing vessel during their voyage from County Mayo, Ireland, to Upper Canada in 1843, leaving her with a family of three boys (Chapter 12). She remarried in Erinsville, Ontario, to Michael Donahoe. Their third child, Maria Donahoe, eventually married Grandpa Jimmy McAlpine and became my grandmother! All three of her half-brothers emigrated to the U.S.A., and as time went on, contacts between their descendants and relatives in Canada were lost. By the time I became interested, none of my acquaintances could remember the genealogical details. The matter was greatly complicated by the fact that John McAlpine (see Chart 5), a brother of the Patrick who had died at sea, had also emigrated to Erinsville with a large family, often with the same given names, and had also subsequently emigrated to the U.S.A. For many years I had endeavored to unscramble the names and relationships, but with little success. Suddenly, one evening in January 1977, I received a telephone call from a Leo McAlpine, in Stillwater, Minnesota. He was working on his branch of the McAlpine family tree, and by chance, had learned of my similar interest. To my surprise he was a descendant of "Red Mike" McAlpine, one of the sons of John McAlpine (see Chart 5). He had assembled the genealogical data relating to all of that John McAlpine's descendants, and had discovered a historical account of Maria Donahoe's half-brothers42. As if by magic, here was the key to solving this lost segment of our heritage! These and many other fascinating details of our ancestry are described in the following pages. My hope is that they will bring some of the same pleasure to other descendants as they have to me.
Impetus was added to the collection of family data in 1967, Canada's Centenary, when my family decided to host our first ever McAlpine reunion. My father and mother were instrumental in organizing that reunion and the one that followed in 1972. The first reunion was held in Monteagle Township, about five miles east of Maynooth, Ontario. The actual site was in a corner of the "old pinery", the last big field cleared by Uncle Johnny and his family over a half century earlier. Both Uncle Johnny's and my Grandpa Jimmy's farms were originally purchased from the Crown in 1865 by their father, James. In 1927, my father, "Jimmy's Johnny", purchased "Uncle Johnny's" farm and at the time of the reunion it was owned by my brother George and his family. As we were making plans for the reunion, someone asked what we would do at this event. George's response reflected the traditional Celtic personality: "Well, if we can't find anything else to do, we'll fight!" Actually, it was such a success that bigger and better reunions were held in subsequent years: 1972 at Papineau Lake, near Maynooth; and 1973, 1974, 1975, 1977 and 1980 at Beaver Lake, near Erinsville, Ontario, where three families of McAlpines from County Mayo had first settled in the 1840's. About one hundred descendants attended each reunion, mainly from Ontario, but including representatives from Alberta, Saskatchewan, New York and Pennsylvania. A little ditty I composed for the announcement of the second reunion set the tone for all these occasions (can be sung to the tune of "The Hills of Conemara"):
Come all ye Kelpins, rally to the call;
Come to the picnic one and all.
Banish all your cares, put your fun duds on,
Let's have a real reunion.
Come all ye kin of Grandpa Jim,
Of Pat and Mike, and Johnny's Jimmy's Jim;
Of Tom and Kate, and Martin and John,
Let's have a real reunion,
Gather up the kids and the little woman too,
Pack a pot of 'taters and wee bit of brew;
Bring along a fiddle, have your dance shoes on,
We'll have a real reunion.
Credit for organizing the reunions at Beaver Lake goes to Leo and the late Monica (Doyle) McAlpine, of Marysville, Ontario and their family, especially Donald and Pat (Russel) McAlpine. Among many other benefits, these reunions reestablished many latent family contacts and provided opportunities for collecting and recording information about the descendants of James and Ann (Collins) McAlpine, whose names, ages, and birthdates appear in the family chapters which follow.
The family chapters are as complete as I was able to achieve up to 1994. Admittedly, the data given for each person (complete name, dates of birth and death, date of marriage, etc.) is sometimes incomplete, but at least a foundation is provided for those who wish to continue the data-gathering process into the future, or update that of the past. Any omissions are unintentional, and I make no apologies for them or for errors that I may have made - they are all honest mistakes! If I had withheld this account until it could be perfected, it might never have appeared.
Throughout the text I have endeavoured to acknowledge those who have assisted in bringing this account to this level of completion. I hope I will be forgiven if I do not attempt to formally list everyone who has helped me in one way or another. However, I feel a special need to thank again certain individuals who have contributed in special ways.
First of all I wish to acknowledge the tremendous contribution made by Walter M. Allen, 331 Theatre Drive, Johnstown, PA, 15904. It is to him that credit must go for most of the information we have on our early McAlpine ancestors in Scotland. The volume of letters and literature he has sent to me is prodigious, and if it were not for his help, this account would be a great deal less comprehensive.
Mrs. Margaret (McAlpine) Latour, 230 Oak Ave., Box 425, Annandale, Minn., 55302, provided outstanding assistance in gathering and organizing a huge amount of genealogical data on the McAlpines of Minnesota and adjoining states, especially on the descendants of her grandfather, Uncle Martin McAlpine of Maple Lake, Minn.
Mrs. Jean Denzel, 612 10th Ave. N.W., Grand Rapids, Minn., 55744, granddaughter of Uncle Michael (Black Mike) McAlpine of Grand Rapids, was the key contributor for the information on the members of that branch of the family tree (Chapter 7). Another of Black Mike's granddaughters, Mrs. Sandra Lindgren, 11343 - 192nd Ave. N.W., Elk River, Minn., 55330, assisted greatly by collecting the data on her father's (William James McAlpine, eldest son of Black Mike) descendants, who now number ninety-three.
The late Leo J. McAlpine, 513 Harriet St., Stillwater, Minn., 55082, the great-grandson of John and Ann "Nancy" (McKeown) McAlpine, was the king-pin in bringing together the information we have on that scion of the family tree, as well as for much data on the descendants of John's brother Patrick McAlpine, who, along with his two youngest sons, died while crossing the Atlantic in 1843.
Four living descendants of John and Cecelia (Gibbons) McAlpin, the first of our McAlpine families to emigrate to America from County Mayo, provided all the information we have on their branch of the family. These four descendants are: Thomas Martin Kershaw, who lived for a time at 507 Harvard Ave. E., No. 101, Seattle, Washington, 98102 (current address unknown); Peter Francis McAlpin, 2422 N. Pacific Ave., Santa Anna, California, 92706; George E. MacVeigh, 9313 Renshaw Drive, Bethesda, MD, 20817; and Mr. F. Wm. McCalpin, 611 Olive St., St. Louis, Missouri, 63101. Mr. MacVeigh assembled the genealogical records for John and Cecelia's descendants, and was most generous in making them available to me. This latter information has now been published in Dorothy McAlpin Russel's recent book4 on McAlpine genealogy.
Finally, my daughter, Isabel Marie McAlpine, deserves a special reward for her contribution. It was she who attended to all the programming, data-storing and typing of all my original hand-written script. Without her help this account might well have suffered the same fate as the alleged genealogical writings of Monsignor Patrick McAlpine (probably discarded after his death).
To all my relatives and other contacts, living and deceased, who so patiently responded to my never-ending requests for information, I offer my sincerest thanks.
Hereditary surnames (surnames that stay the same and are passed on from parents to children) were practically nonexistent until about 1100 A.D. In Ireland, surnames appeared in the 900's among royalty and clergy, and they had become hereditary by the thirteenth century. In Scotland, they were in limited use around 1150 A.D. for similar classes of people, and they became more or less stabilized in the period 1500-1700 A.D. However, it was not until the eighteenth century that consistent use of surnames became universally established in the Highlands of Scotland.
The surname, McAlpine, is a patronym based on Alpin or variations such as Alpine, Ailpean, Ailpein, Ailpin, Ailphin, Elphin and Elpin. The root name, Alpin, is of Pictish origin from the southern Strathearn or Strathclyde regions of Scotland. It seems probable that the origin of the surname Alpin itself, stems from Albyn or Alba (Scottish Pictland Highlands), the original name of the old Pictish kingdom adjacent to Dalriada. However some writers have suggested that the name Alpin is derived from the Gaelic word "ailpean", meaning elf. Still others feel that there is a connection between the names Alba, Alpin and the Celtic word alp, meaning "high mountain". Interestingly enough, that is the name applied to the Alps mountains of Europe which, from prehistoric times until the Roman conquest of the Gauls (60-52 B.C.), constituted part of the territory inhabited by the Celtic people.
Nora Chadwick5, noted that in early references to the death of Nial-of-the-Nine Hostages (a famous fifth century High King of Ireland) "i Alpi" probably means "in Alba" rather than "in the Alps".
According to the earliest historical records, there were several ancient Pictish/Dalriadic kings, or sub-kings, named Alpin, or Elpin, who ruled over certain areas of Pictland and/or Dalriada before the time of Alpin the Scot, a displaced eighth century king of Dalriada (see Chart 1). Alpin the Scot is especially significant because he was the father of King Kenneth McAlpin, who succeeded him in 841 A.D. and is generally recognized as the first King of both the Picts and the Scots (843). Kenneth, sometimes called Kenneth the Great or Kenneth the Hardy, is also generally accepted as the first one to whom the surname McAlpin was applied. The final e has been added and dropped repeatedly throughout the course of time. The prefixes Mc and Mac are simply contractions of the Gaelic word for "son of" or "grandson of". In Ireland it was usually transliterated as "Mc", and in Scotland as "Mac". Sometimes it appears simply as "M' ". Many different spellings of McAlpine are found, including MacAlpin, MacAlpine, Macalpin, Macalpine, McAlpin, McAlpy, McAlpyne, etc.; and of course, there are other surnames derived from it such as Calpin, Kelpin, Elpin, Elphin, with and without the Mc or Mac.
Your Name
"You got it from your father. T'was the best he had to give.
And right gladly he bestowed it. It's yours, the while you live.
You may lose the watch he gave you - and another you may claim,
But remember, when you're tempted, to be careful of his name.
It was fair the day you got it, and a worthy name to bear.
When he took it from his father, there was no dishonour there;
Through the years he proudly wore it, to his father he was true,
And that name was clean and spotless when he passed it on to you.
Oh, there's much that he has given that he values not at all.
He has watched you break your play things in the days when you were small.
You have lost the knife he gave you, and you've scattered many a game.
But you'll never hurt your father if you'r careful with his name.
It is yours to wear forever, yours to wear the while you live.
Yours, perhaps, some distant morning, to another boy to give.
And you'll smile as did your father - with a smile that all can share.
If a clean name and a good
name you are giving him to wear."
By Edgar A. Guest (1881-1959)
The earliest records of the root name Alpin, or Elpin, are entries embedded in ancient Irish annal collections and king lists. These entries include such details as reign lengths, dates of death and genealogical data. Together, such documents give us an almost continuous framework for the history of both the Dalriadic kingdom, the birthplace of Kenneth McAlpin's maternal ancestors, and the Pictish kingdom, Alba. Of course, all of the original records for this period were hand written. They were made by early Christian monks and scribes, and date back to the time of St. Patrick in the fifth century.
Annal writing began with a practice of entering brief notes in blank spaces of the "Easter Tables" which were kept in every church or monastery of consequence. (For an explanatory account, see Anderson, M.O., 1973, pp. 205-2086). Most of the early tables were destroyed or lost, but, because of the annal notes that they contained, some were copied and recopied and have been preserved. The oldest of these, the "Annals of Innisfallen" was partly written about the end of the eleventh century. Others include the "Irish Synchronisms" by Fland Mainistrech, Fland of Monasterboice, also compiled in the eleventh century (Skene, 1887, I, p. 139)7 the "Annals of Ulster", whose principal manuscripts are of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; and the "Annals of Tigernach" (after an abbot of Clonmacnoise who died in 1088) written in the fourteenth century.
In addition to the Annals, there are a number of Scottish and Pictish "Regnal Lists" (see Anderson, 1973, p.X6) which, since 1922, have been known by alphabetical names: List A, List B, List C, and so on, based on the order of the lists in one of W.F. Skene's works.8 The first of these, Regnal List A, deals with "the Poppleton Manuscript" (after Robert of Poppleton, a Carmelite friar who became prior of the convent of Hulne near Alnwick in 1364). It is a miscellaneous collection, in several hands including his own, in large part written at York by order of brother Robert of Poppleton (Anderson, 19736).
Besides the Annals and Regnal Lists there are a number of ancient "Chronicles" dealing with the same subject matter. These include the Verse Chronicle, the earliest version of a Regnal List. It is an elegiac poem in Latin, complete with chronicle notes listing the Scottish kings from Kenneth, son of Alpin the Scot, onward, copied into the margins and spaces of the Chronicle of Melrose, probably not later than 1264. (Anderson, 19736)
Documentary evidence other than Annals, Regnal Lists and chronicles, all of which deal primarily with royalty, is limited mainly to two writers, St. Adomnan and St. Bede. By painstakingly comparing the historical and genealogical data gleaned from all available sources, scholars and historians of recent times have been able to piece together a more or less complete account of the names, lives, deaths, regnal periods and genealogy of the kings of both the Dalriadic and Pictish kingdoms from the fifth century onward. The best documented and most complete synthesis yet provided is Anderson's Kings and Kingship in Early Scotland6.
Anderson's conclusions are summarized in Chart 1. Reference to this chart show the existence of several King Alpins prior to King Kenneth McAlpin's father, Alpin the Scot, and it is these Alpins who represent the oldest recorded bearers of the root-name Alpin. Probably there were other lesser individuals in Pictland in these and in previous generations who bore the same name, but of course, they were not recorded.
Perhaps it is of interest to provide some details of a few annal entries concerning these early Alpins. For example, in the Annals of Ulster it is noted that "Brudeus filius Bili, Rex Pictorum Albaniae, et filius Nechtani, Mortuus est 693", and "Bilius filius Alpini Rex Alcluidae Mortuuntur 792". In the Annals of Tigernac it is recorded that "Donaldus filius Alpini, Rex Alcluidensis, Mortuus est 694", and "Bilius filius Alpini, Rex Alcluidae Mortuunter 792". Also, in the Annals of Tigernach it is stated, in Latin, that one Elpin (=Alpin) succeeded his brother Brust, who was ousted from the kingship of the Picts in 726, after serving as king for two years; two years later (728) he was defeated by Angus (=Oengus) in one battle at Monid Crib, and again the same year, in another battle at Castellum Credi. In one of the Pictish Regnal Lists there is an entry of an Alpin, son of Wroid, a Pictish sub-king who was reigning in 775.
By combining these data and information from other sources, Anderson was able to postulate that the Alpin (=Elpin) who was king of the Picts from 726 to 728 is the same Alpin who was king of Dalriada (reign ended 736), and that the Alpin (=Elpin) who was king of the Saxons/Picts and died in the year 780, is the same as the Alpin (=Elpin) son of Wroid and Feret. History aside, these early records clearly establish the existence of our name as far back as the seventh century.
Tradition holds that the surname McAlpine originated long before the seventh century. This tradition is expressed in many summary accounts given for clan Macalpin, or for the surname McAlpine, in various books dealing with the genealogical heraldry of Celtic people. One of the oldest and most interesting of these accounts is the one given by Sir Robert Douglas9. In that account, the author quotes from The Works of Ossian by the Scotsman, James Macpherson, which was published in 1765. Macpherson's work is alleged to be a translation of Gaelic works composed by the Gaelic bard, Ossian or Oisin, son of Fionn MacCumhall (=Finn; =Fingall) a Gaelic hero who lived in the third century. Like all early Celtic literature, Ossian's tales were passed from generation to generation by oral tradition, none of which was actually written down until medieval times. It is now generally held that Macpherson's rendering of Ossian's tales, while based on fragments of ancient Gaelic works, is in reality a composition built around these fragments and the oral renditions handed down by bards and story-tellers. Douglas' account on clan Macalpin is as follows:
"MACALPIN
The following account of the Macalpins, being made out and transmitted to us by an ingenious gentleman, who hath been at great pains in collecting the materials, and with much care and accuracy hath ranged the vouchers, and put them into their proper order, we therefore let them appear to the public as we got them, without the least alteration in the genealogy.
This clan is universally admitted to be the most ancient in the highlands. Expressive of its antiquity is the well known adage:
Croic's, uisg's, Alpanich,
N'triur a shinneadh bha n'Erin.*
(The hills, the waters, and the Alpinian race,
The ancient three who first did Erin grace.)
(*NOTE: This name signifies properly the West of Scotland, though some apply it to Ireland (Dr. Macpherson).)
We find frequent mention made by Ossian, of Alpin, a friend of one of Fingall's most celebrated bards. In the opening songs of Selma, after his inimitable address to the evening star, Ossian introduces 'Alpin with the tuneful voice, ...' (p. 210). A little after, in Ryno's song, in which he says,
'Sweet are thy murmurs, O! stream, but more sweet is the voice I hear; It is the voice of Alpin, the son of the song,mourning for the dead: Bent is his head of age, and red his tearful eye; Alpin, the son of the song, why alone in the silent hill'
At page 213, a mournful song of Alpin's for the death of Mor-er is preserved. In his last hymn, Ossian addresses himself often to the son of Alpin, thus,
'Mhic Alpin (son of Alpin), art thou near,
where is the daughter of Toscar?' (p. 258)
'Draw near Mhic Alpin to the song of the aged,
the actions of other times are on my soul, ...'
'Draw near Mhic Alpin to the last found of
Cona's voice, ...' (p. 261)
After relating his own and Toscar's mighty actions, he concludes,
'Such were my deeds Mhic Alpin,
when my arm of youth was strong, ...' (p.267)
That Fingall and his heroes flourished, between the years 210 and 296 of the Christian era, appears from the very ingenious dissertation prefixed to Ossian's works, several passages of which show that clanship was established in the highlands even before Fingall's days. (Doctor Blair's dissertation, pp. 11-13. Ossion p. 336, etc., p. 146, etc.)
The Macalpins are descended
of these venerable sons of antiquity, and their successors afterwards
became kings of Scotland* and as it is extremely clear the name of MacAlpin
was in existence in Fingall's days, there is nothing surprising in its
being handed down to succeeding ages; especially, when we consider that
the works of Ossian have been preserved by the faithful memories of
successive bards, from the early period to the present time.
(* The Alpinian family swayed the Scottish scepter from King Alpin's days, inter 831 et 834, till the death of Alexander III in 1285, in which space there were 25 kings of them, exclusive of Macbeath, Donald VII and Duncan II who usurped the crown.)
All our historians agree, that we had a long and glorious race of kings of this name. Kenneth the Great, the 69th king and third founder of the Scottish monarchy, took the patronymic of Kenneth Macalpin, from his unfortunate but magnanimous father, King Alpin.
Kenneth flourished between the 834, when he ascended the throne, and the 855, when he died. From him and his second brother, Donald, and fourth brother Achaius Macalpin, their posterity were named Macalpins, and the laws which Kenneth made, are at this day called the Macalpin laws.
The ancient crest of the Macalpins, being a man's head couped, gules, ghutty sanguine, with the Gaelic motto, Cuinich bas Alpan, (Remember the death of Alpin) alluding to the murder of Alpin by Brudus, after the Picts defeated the Scots near Dundee, anno 834, proves that either the Macalpins were before that time possessed of the regal power or had their name from that royal family.
Kenneth was succeeded by his brother Donald Macalpin*, under the name of Donald the V of whom, Buchanan, and some late authors who copied after him, give an infamous character, tho' Fordun, the author of the Extracta de chronicis Scotiae, and Andrew Winton, writers of much greater veracity and antiquity, who have never been refuted, give him an excellent one.
They agree, 'That he was a captain of great reputation; that he was equally valiant, active, and vigilant, understood perfectly the arts of war, and shared in all the glories of his brother's conquests, gained battles, and defeated the Picts as often as he met them; that, when he attained to the crown, he governed his people with moderation, and had a special regard to his kindred and brothers.'
He died anno 859, and was succeeded
by his nephew, Constantine, son of Kenneth the Great.
(* By the boundty of this Donald, the progeny of his brother prince Gregor were possessed of immense territories. Se title McGregor.)
From prince Gregor, third son of king Alpin, the most ancient, once powerful, and still numerous family of the Macgregors, undoubtedly have their name and descent, and of them several other great clans are sprung.
From Findanus, second son of Doun-gheall, or Dungallus, son of prince Gregor, the Macfindans, afterwards corrupted Macfingons, now Mackinnons, are descended.
The Macalpins, Macgregors, and Macfingons, and the progeny of the sons of king Alpin, have therefore always esteemed themselves one people.
The two former settled in the neighborhood of one another, and had great possessions bestowed upon them, by their royal progenitors. The Macgregors increased exceedingly in number, but there being fewer of the Macalpins, the name went much into disuse and the name of Macgregor became common to both, and prevailed for about 700 years thereafter.
The few Macalpins at present in the kingdom are descendants of Macgregors, who upon the suppression of their own, assumed the name of Macalpin. They follow the Macgregors, and carry the same arms. For which, see title Macgregor.
The ancient seat of the family Macalpin, is said to have been at Dunstaffnage, in Argyleshire, and there is a very remarkable cairn of stones at Longseuchan, within a few miles of this place, where one of them is supposed to have died, or been buried, called Carn-Alpan, i.e. Alpin's monument.
We must here observe, that
the descent of the royal families of Bruce, Baliol, and Stewart, and
of the Macgregors, of whom the Macquaries, Mackinnons, Grants, Macnabs,
etc. from the great Alpinian race, renders this by far the most respectable
of all the clans.*
(* The old thanes of Strathern were also of this name
and family.)"
Several items in Douglas' account are best commented upon at this point. The well known Gaelic adage inferring that the origins of the McAlpines was contemporary with the formation of the hills and the streams, as given by Douglas: "Croic's uisg's Alpanich, N'triur a shinneadh bha n'Erin", is more commonly expressed as: "Cnuic is uillt is Ailpeinich". Another old Gaelic saying relating to the antiquity and genealogy of the McAlpines is as follows:
"Sliochd nan righribh duthchasach
'Bha schlos an Dun Stalphnis
Aig an robh eran na h'Alb' o thus,
'S aig am bheil duthchas fhathaad ris."
(Offspring of hereditary kings
Who were down at Dunstaffnage,
Who in the beginning had the crown of Albyn,
And who still have a claim to it.)
Douglas' inference that the ancient seat of the McAlpines was at Dunstaffnage, near Oban, Argyllshire, may be erroneous. Dunstaffnage was built about the thirteenth century, and was the seat of the Macdougalls, and later the Campbells. It is more probable that the primary seat of the McAlpines was at Dunollie Castle, about five kilometers south of Dunstaffnage, which first comes on record about the turn of the seventh and eighth centuries.10
Also, the dates given by Douglas for King Kenneth's life and reign require some adjustment. According to modern historians, e.g., Anderson, 19736, he was crowned king of the ancient Celtic kingdom of Dalriada (northeastern Ireland and southwestern Scotland) in 841, and two years later, 843, he also became king of the even more ancient kingdom of Alba or Pictland (Scotland north of the Grampian Mountains). His reign continued until his death in 858. By uniting the crowns of both these kingdoms, and establishing a single headquarters at Scone, he is credited with being the first king of Scotland. Kenneth was descended from three lines of Celtic royalty, namely, the High Kings of Ireland (headquarters at Tara), the Northern Ui Neill (kings of Dalriada), and early Pictish royalty (rulers of Alba) (see Chart 1).
Douglas' sweeping statement "the few Macalpins at present in the kingdom (1798) are descendants of Macgregors, who upon the suppression of their own, assumed the name of Macalpin" can be only partially true. Granted, as far back as can be traced, the clan that formed 'Siol Ailpein' seems always to have been relatively small and disunited. But, even though they (McAlpines) always acknowledge a common descent with clan Gregor, they at no time appear to have united with it under a common chief. Our own research on the McAlpines that lived before 1600 clearly proves the existence of many people who bore that surname up to the time of the proscription of the Macgregors in 1603. We can therefore be reasonably certain that some of their descendants continued to exist in Douglas' time (1798).
King Kenneth McAlpin of Scotland was a true Celt (=Gael), and most of us who bear the same surname, also have predominantly Celtic blood in our veins. In order to understand the cultural background and the heritage associated with our name and our ancestry, it is necessary to review the origins, customs and historical development of the Celtic peoples.
The time period concerned occurs in the so-called "Dark Ages", that part of the Middle Ages which extended roughly from about 400 A.D. to 1000 A.D., but the origins of the Celtic race predates that period by many centuries. For this summary account, which covers both prehistoric and historic times, I have relied mainly on the works of Nora Chadwick, 19705; Roger Chauvire, 195211; Seumas MacManus50; Reginald Hale, 197612; Lucy Menzies, 194913; Pochin Mould, 195214; Joseph Raftery, 196415; Merle Severy, 197716; Marjorie Anderson, 19736; and William Skene.7 It may seem odd to some that three of these references, Hale, Menzies and Mould, deal primarily with the lives and works of saints, especially Columcille of Iona. This is not so surprising when one realizes that throughout the "Dark Ages", it was mainly through the efforts of members of the Church that any historical documents were recorded and preserved. In this respect, Columcille holds a unique place in Irish and British history because he is the first really historical character of our race. For my purposes, the most edifying interpretation of the early history of the Celts in Ireland and Scotland are the ones provided by Hale12 and MacManus50. Of course, all the books mentioned provide references to very important earlier records. Especially important are those of St. Adomnan (624 - 704 A.D.), ninth abbot of Iona, who wrote The Life of St. Columba, the first complete biography of post-Roman Europe; St. Bede of Jarrow (673 - 735 A.D.) who wrote A Church History of the English People; and St. Gildas who wrote his Destruction of Britain about 560 A.D. I have not personally studied any of these classical works, but have relied upon the interpretations given by the more recent authors cited.
The Celts comprised the basic blood stock of Europe. Philologists believe they were the first Indo-European speakers to enter central Europe at the dawn of the Iron Age. (The Greek and Germanic languages also developed from Indo-European roots.) They developed from a group of related prehistoric tribes linked together by language, religion and culture, and they gave rise to the first "civilization" north of the Alps. They were pioneers in metal work; their iron swords gave them victory and their iron tools cleared forests for cultivation. They emerged as a distinct people in the eighth century B.C. - about the time Homer wrote the Iliad and the Odyssey, the Greeks were starting the Olympico, and legendary Romulus and Remus were founding Rome. At their height, around the third century B.C., they extended from the Black Sea in the east to westernmost Spain, and from the North Sea southward to the Mediterranean. The Greeks called them Keltoi (Celts) and the Romans called them Gauli (Gauls or Gaels).
The Gauls of Caesar's Gallic wars were of the same basic stock as the Gaels of Ireland, Scotland and Wales, as were the Celts of Galicia in Spain and Galicia in Poland, and also the Galatians of Asia Minor to whom St. Paul sent an epistle. Map names of Celtic origin such as London, Lyon, Geneva, Strasbourg, Bonn, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Coimbra and Ankara mark their settlements and trace their spread along Celtic rivers, i.e., Danube, Rhine, Sein, Thames and Shannon. Helvetia, a poetic name for Switzerland, comes from the Helvetii, an ancient branch of Celtic people. Belgium comes from another branch, the Belgae. Similarly, the Boii, who descended into Italy and left their name at Bologna, made their home, and also left their name, in Bohemia. The Cimbri from Jutland, and the Teutons or Germans, were probably also an early division of Celtic people; they left their name in Cumbria. Although they never managed to forge an empire, a stable state or even an absolute ethnic unity, it was these Celts or Gauls who, in conjunction with the Romans, laid the economic, social and artistic foundations of our northern European civilization.
During the period 500-50 B.C. (La Tene Period), coinciding with the Golden Age of Greece, there were successive waves of Celtic expansion, due, among other things, to increasing populations and social tensions. Younger sons of chieftains would hive off with portions of their original tribes to establish new territories of their own. It was during these episodes of expansion that the Celts fell upon cities of the classical world, shocking them by the force of their assaults, their reckless courage, and their thirst for plunder. In 387 B.C., the Gauls attacked Rome. Other Gallic people pushed eastward along the Danube, traversed the Balkans, and in 297 B.C., pillaged the Greek sanctuary of Delphi. Some 20,000 Gauls crossed the Hellspont (Dardanelles) into Asia Minor, settling around Ankara, a region henceforth known as Galatia - whence St. Paul's Galatians. During the same five hundred year period, they also populated the British Isles. Wave after wave of these barbaric Celtic tribes arrived in Britain and Ireland from the continent, conquering and absorbing those who had come before them. In the first century before the birth of Christ, a man could travel from the Black Sea to the Atlantic, and from Turkey to Scotland, without leaving Celtic terrain.
But the main area of continental Europe occupied by the Celts was Gaul (France). Of course, it was not all Celticized simultaneously, or with any great degree of uniformity. Even in the first century B.C., it was not entirely settled by Celtic people. They entered Gaul as separate military units, occupying different river valleys, using the surrounding mountains for agriculture, pasturage, and wood, and remaining as separate political and economic units.
Much about these fierce Celtic warriors or Gallic he-men caught the eye of more refined Greeks and Romans. They bleached their hair, adorned themselves with jewelry, and loved loud tunics and bright checkered cloaks. Writings of their Roman foes depicted these early ancestors as big blond fellows with piercing blue eyes and long trailing beards. Near Milan, a city founded by the Celts, Italians recently unearthed the skeleton of one such warrior who stood six feet five inches tall. They carried long iron swords, oval shields and thrusting spears. Most wore no helmet, so that their elaborate coiffure could be admired. Some wore chain mail. Others fought virtually naked. Clad only in torques or sacred collars and bracelets, with limed locks stiffened like a horse's mane, and sporting formidable beards, Celtic champions would strut before the foe, brandishing their arms, boasting of their prowess, and hurling taunts and insults. The Greek geographer, Strabo, remarked, "The whole race ... is madly fond of war, but otherwise they are uncultivated. Vanity makes them unbearable in victory and wholly downcast on defeat". Even the speech of these "barbarian outlanders", who wore not the civilized toga, but the trousers of a horse-riding people, grated on the ears of the Greco-Roman people.
A Celtic assault - complete with the blare of giant boar-headed war trumpets, the clatter of chariots, the hammer of hooves, the whir of sling-stones, the thud of spears, the shock of shields, the clang of swords, the neighs of horses, and the shouts and screams of warriors - curdled the blood. Diadorius Siculus, a Greek historian tells us:
"They cut off the heads of their enemies and attach them to the necks of their horses. Singing in triumph, they carry off these trophies, and nail them up on their homes. They embalm in cedar oil the heads of their most distinguished enemies, and preserve them carefully in a chest and display them with pride to strangers."
What a quaint way to put a stranger at his ease!
Feasting when not fighting or hunting, or trying to outdo one another in wrestling, gaming or racing their treasured horses, these hot-headed Celtic warriors often turned feasts into bloody brawls. Gathering in a chieftain's hall, sitting cross-legged on wolf-skins, they would consume prodigious portions of wild boar and guzzle wine, beer, and mead until they "fell into a stupor or state of madness", reported Diadorius. Jugglers or buffoons entertained in the light from the blazing hearth. A bard, strumming on a lyre, would recite about the bold deeds of his host. Guests would top one another's tales of valor, and when tempers flared, swords would be drawn. Serving the traditional hero's portion was a chief of protocol's nightmare. The Greek historian, Posidonius, tells us, "When the hindquarters were served up, the bravest hero took the thigh piece, and if another man claimed it, they stood up and fought in single combat to the death". Sir Walter Scott, in his Lady of the Lake, gives a poetic account of a hand to hand combat between Roderick Dhu, a probably fictional Gaelic chieftain of Clan Alpine, and Fitz-James, a Lowland warrior of Saxon origin. It would seem to fairly accurately reflect the fiercely proud, indomitable spirit of these Celtic warriors that persisted in the Highlands of Scotland until the middle of the eighteenth century.
But if you think the males were rough and tough, read what the Roman historian Ammianus Marcellinus says of the gentler sex: "A Gallic woman, fighting beside her man, is a match for a whole troop of foreigners. Steely-eyed ... she swells her neck, gnashes her teeth, flexes her huge white biceps, and rains wallops and kicks as though from the twisted cords of a catapult." A similar portrait by another Roman historian, Dio Cassius, is given for Boudicia, the queen of the Iceni, a Celtic tribe in eastern Britain in the first century A.D.:
"She was huge of frame, terrifying of aspect, and with a harsh voice. A great mass of bright red hair fell to her knees; she wore a massive twisted golden torc, and a tunic of many colours, over which was a thick mantle fastened by a broach. Now she grasped a spear to strike fear into all who watched her."
When she went on the war-path in her chariot, she shredded Roman legions, and burned Londinium (Roman London) to the ground. Modern husbands and children, count your blessings!
As noted before, wave after wave of Celtic tribes from the continent arrived in Britain and Ireland for more than 500 years before Christ, conquering and absorbing those who came before them. The ancestors of the Picts of Alba were probably the earliest arrivals. The Gaels, who were dominant in Ireland, spoke a Q-Celtic tongue (Irish). The Britons, who populated Britain, spoke a P-Celtic tongue (Welsh), that is, they tended to use a P or B sound where the Gaels of Ireland used a Q or C sound. Thus "mac", Gaelic for son, corresponds to the Welsh "map or "mab".
According to David Green, in Raftery,196415, we should not regard Irish and Welsh as completely separate languages that were imported into their respective countries, but as languages which grew up as a result of all the linguistic and social influences that touched these areas over more than 2000 years. Regardless of how it came about, the Irish (=Gaelic) tongue is the most conservative form of the Celtic language, and historic Ireland as a whole is now the nearest we can ever hope to attain to the original Celtic people. The Irish language, though subjected to influence from Scandinavian, French, and English in turn, remained uniformly dominant in Ireland until the end of the sixteenth century. Then, in a matter of several generations, it was largely replaced by English. This change-over from Gaelic to English happened earlier in much of Scotland, where Irish (Gaelic) never completely dominated; in Scotland it persisted longest in the Highlands including the western isles.
Heathen religion was a unifying bond in early Celtic society. Each tribe had its local deities and cults, and hundreds of names of gods and goddesses are known. The priestly caste of druids was a pan-Celtic institution, and as a result, the religious rites and the roles of the deities had much in common in all the different tribes. Druids were concerned with education and law, and exercised great political influence, forecasting the future, fixing auspicious times for enterprises, educating the young nobility, and conserving traditions. Although literate to some degree, they favoured oral transmission of their teaching. Caesar stated that the core of druidic teaching was that the soul did not die, but was passed into another body, and that on this account, there was little fear of death. Once a year, the Gaulish druids met in solemn assembly at Chartres, the tribal capital of the Carnutes. There they settled disputes between nobles, and even mediated disputes between tribes. To enforce their judgements, this supertribal court wielded the weapon of excommunication - exclusion from the sacrifices central to the Celtic religion.
Caesar described mass human sacrifice in Gaul: "Some of the tribes make colossal wickerwork figures, the limbs of which are filled with living men. These images are then set alight and the victims perish in a sea of flame". The Roman poet, Lucan, spoke of sacred woods near Marseilles where "gods were worshipped with savage rites, the altars were heaped with hideous offerings, and every tree was sprinkled with human gore". Another Roman historian, Tacitus, also wrote about druid altars stained by human blood in Anglesey in northwestern Wales. There can be little doubt that these druids sometimes practised human sacrifice, perhaps only in times of crisis such as plagues, famines, or invasions, and no doubt the victims were often criminals or prisoners of war.
In Ireland, the Celt or Gael always thought of himself as part of his true family or "derbfine", which comprised all descendants of his great-grandfather. He spoke of his second cousins as brothers and sisters. The basic political unit was the "tuath", meaning a people, normally formed around a kindred group. Loyalty to kinfolk was the most sacred social bond. They elected their own king or "Ri". A number of tuatha would form a larger kingdom which itself would be part of one of the five over-kingdoms of Connaght, Leinster, Meath, Munster and Ulster. There were at least one hundred and fifty kings of varying grades, but real power rested with the five over-kings.
All kingship was both hereditary and elective - hereditary as to family, elective as to individual. Men of the Royal "Derbfine" or Royal Family were eligible for election. It was the privilege of the nobles to choose from among these eligible men, the one man they considered "most noble, experienced, wealthy, wise, learned, popular, free from blemish and best able to lead in battle". Primogeniture played no part in this system, and it was rare for an oldest son to immediately succeed his father. Usually the scepter passed to a brother, a nephew, or a cousin (see Chart 1).
The religious and political hierarchy of Ireland reached its summit in the person of the "Ard Ri" or High King, who reigned at Tara, in Meath. Tara, meaning "place of view", was already old as a sacred place when the Gaels adopted it as the seat of the High Kings. By the fourth century A.D., the High Kingship had developed an aura as the pre-eminent dignity of all Ireland, and the five over-kings vied for the title of "Ard Ri".
The High King cannot be compared to a Roman Caesar or a Norman feudal monarch. Rebellion against him was never regarded as treason against Ireland. He reigned at Tara, but he did not rule all Ireland. His was an overlordship reinforced by matrimonial alliances. His ascendency was chiefly supported by holding hostages from the subordinate kingdoms. Hostages ensured the payment of tribute. For troops he had to depend on the ordinary Gaelic-speaking Scoti in his own kingdom. By nature, they were warm-hearted but fickle, and they swung between extremes of joy and grief; "all their wars were merry and all their songs were sad", they were great fighters and cattle thieves, great sea-men and slave raiders, great singers to the harp, and seers with "second sight".
Prestige was of supreme importance to the "Ard Ri". Since his real power depended on it, loss of face among his subjects meant disaster. By shame, blemish, or reproach, by stinginess, cowardice in battle, or even by using such implements as a hoe or a plough, a king could lose face and destroy his prestige.
The legendary "Ard Ri", Cormac MacAirt of the third century A.D., lost an eye in battle and felt the disfigurement so blemished his prestige that he abdicated. Legend claims that he became a Christian during a long exile. His outline of the royal duties is informative:
"The King must have patience and self government without haughtiness; speak the truth and keep promises; honour the nobles, respect the poets, adore God, keep the law exactly but with mercy; boundless in charity, care for the sick and orphans, lift up good men, suppress evil ones, provide freedom for the just, restriction for the unjust. At Samhain, light the lamps and welcome the guests with clapping; appear splendid as the sun in the Mead Hall at Tara."
At the height of Gaulish independence, just before the Roman Conquest under Julius Caesar, Gaul was divided into some sixteen large, separate groups variously known to Roman writers as "civitates" (populi, nationes, gentes). These political units were composed of smaller subdivisions called "pagi". A civitas was not only the principal nucleus of the population, not merely a city, but included all of the territory of a people with its inhabitants - a self-dependant federal state with its own fortified centers, its own oppidum (tribal center or capital), and its own king. Each pagus was not originally a territorial unit, but a group of fellows-in-arms constituting a division of the Gaulish army. After a victory, the men of the pagus and their families were settled on land as their reward. The chief of the pagus was originally a vassal or subordinate of a more powerful chief. The pagus has been described as the primordial cell of the Gaulish life, and Caesar tells us that the Helvetii, a good example of a civitas, were divided in to four pagi.
About the year 60 B.C., Julius Caesar began the Roman Conquest of the Gauls by attacking the Helvetii during a mass westward migration of that civitas. This was the beginning of the end of the Celtic hegemony across continental Europe. In eight years of campaigns to "pacify" the Gauls, he fought some thirty battles, took more than eight hundred towns, and killed by his own count, 1,192,000 men, women and children. This conquest of the Gauls by the Romans marked the end of the Celtic nation, but as we shall see, not of the Celtic people.
The Roman occupation of Britain began in 43 A.D. in the reign of Emperor Claudius, and it ended in 407 A.D. under Emperor Constantine III. At the close of the Roman occupation, the country was divided into a number of separate kingdoms, and there was little or no political unity. Belgic tribes from Gaul occupied a large part of the southeast. These, together with tribes of Cantii in Kent, Trinovantes in Essex, and Iceni of East Anglia were partly Romanized, but the Parisi of East Yorkshire and the Brigantes of northern England aimed at retaining their independence. The same was true of the tribes of Wales and of the historic Picts in the northern Highlands of Alba or Alban, and the Caledonians, the immediate ancestors of the Picts, in the Perthshire Highlands. Actually, the Roman occupation only partially penetrated into the Celtic populations of Britain. In the north, the Roman Wall (Hadrian's Wall), built by Emperor Hadrian about 117 A.D. and extending from Wallsend on the Tyne to Bowness on the Solway, and a second turf wall, the Antonine Wall (built twenty years later by the then Governor of Britain, Lollius Urbicus, under order from Emperor Antoninus Pius) from the Forth to the Clyde, marked the northern limits of their influence in Britain. Thus Scotland only encountered the Romans spasmodically and never became a true part of the Roman Empire or experienced first hand, the benefits or otherwise of Roman civilization. The Romans never set foot in Ireland, a fact that is sometimes referred to as the greatest non-event in the history of Ireland.
In 410 A.D., Emperor Honorius rescinded the Roman law prohibiting the barbarians from bearing arms, and Britain entered upon a kind of Celtic revival. By about 430 A.D., the Romans had evacuated Britain, the British Celts had then, not only to govern themselves, but also to defend against the ever increasing attempts of the Teutonic Anglo-Saxons in the east, the Picts in the north, and the Scots (=Irish) in the west. At the end of the Roman period, the western approaches to Britain were occupied and controlled by the Irish (or Scots as they were then called). Gradually, the Anglo-Saxons took over Lowland England, but Wales, the Highlands of Scotland, and all of Ireland remained Celtic. Our main interest, of course, is centered in the Irish-Pictish kingdoms of Dalriada and Alba in what is now called Scotland.
At the close of the Roman occupation of Britain, British tribes extended as far north as the Firths of Clyde and Forth. Northward, in Alba, lived the Picts (Cruithne) or painted men, a nick-name said to have been given them by the Romans. Their older name, Cruithne, is merely the Q-Celtic way of saying Prydyn, or Briton. They were Celts in speech, beliefs, and customs, but they did follow one unusual law: the sovereignty of their kings was inherited through the mother's line. The main body of the Pictish nation lived north of the Firths of Clyde and Forth, but there were two other separated groups, one centered in County Down in northeastern Ireland (Ulidia) but extending into western Scotland (Dalriada), and the other in southwestern Scotland (Galloway).
Archeological evidence shows that Celtic influence in Ireland began about 300 B.C., during the La Tene Period. These early people were collectively called the Erainn (Ptolemy's Iverni), and they became divided into four civitates occupying four early kingdoms, i.e., Connaught in the west, Leinster in the east, Munster in the southwest, and Ulster in the north. The last significant wave of Celts to arrive in Ireland came up the sea-lanes from the Iberian Peninsula about 100 B.C. Legends refer to them as the Sons of Mil or Milesians. They eventually imposed their overlordship upon the four earlier Irish kingdoms, and established a fifth kingdom, called Meath. They seem to have brought with them the Scoti, which perhaps first referred to a family group or pagus. In any event, its application grew, and finally became applied to all the Irish Gaels, many of whom lived in what is now Scotland. For a thousand years, Irishmen were known to neighbouring nations, including Alba and Dalriada, as Scoti or Scots. Today, of course, this name is restricted to those people living in Scotland which includes all of the ancient kingdom of Alba and most of Dalriada. To this day, this overlapping application of the term Scot in what is now Ireland and Scotland has led to much confusion about who is really Scottish and who is really Irish. One thing is certain: both are of Celtic (Gaelic) origin.
Sometime around 400 A.D. we emerge from the legends into the world of history. About this time, Cormac's great-great-grandson became "Ard Ri", the ablest and most formidable one ever to reign at Tara. Niall Noigiallach, Niall-of-the-Nine-Hostages, they called him. Ballads in praise of him declare that he took hostages not only from the five Irish kingdoms, but also from the Britons, the Picts, the Gauls and the Saxons as well. He was a heathen and an unabashed slave raider. It was he or some of his tribal raiders that captured St. Patrick, the son of a Christian Roman officer stationed in Britain, and brought him as a slave to Ireland. He nursed the ambition that the High Kingship of Tara should belong to his family forever, and in fact, the Ui Neill dynasty which he founded did hold it for five hundred years. He and his sons seem to have smashed the power of the over-king of Ulster, took two-thirds of his territory and sacked his capital of Armagh. They also conquered central Ireland (Meath) and ultimately divided Ireland into two portions. They themselves took the northern half, where they became known as the Northern and Southern Ui Neill, while the southern half of Ireland fell to Munster which had its capital at Cashel.
As the Ui Neill established themselves in northern Ireland, they also encroached on the little kingdom of Dalriada, which was a remnant of the ancient kingdom of Ulidia (or Ulaid) - a people of older Erainn stock more closely related to the Picts than to the Ui Neill. So, early in the fifth century A.D., some of these Dalriad people sailed across to Scotland and imposed their dynasty on the coast of Argyll. As it turned out, their original Irish home, now a part of County Down diminished in importance, but the new colony in Scotland grew to include a considerable area between southern Alba (Pictland) and the Antonine Wall. Eventually, in 843, during the reign of King Kenneth McAlpin, the Dalriadic dynasty superseded its Pictish counterparts in Alba and laid the foundation for a united Scotland.
Prior to Kenneth McAlpin's time, the northern part of Britain, which eventually became Scotland, consisted of four main kingdoms, namely the Scottish (=Irish) kingdom of Dalriada, the Pictish kingdom of Alba, the Britannic kingdom of Alclyde (all three Celtic in origins), and the Anglian or Saxon kingdom of Bernicia.
The colony of Scottish Dalriada was originally founded by Fergus Mor, son of Erc, who came across from Irish Dalriada with his two brothers, Loarn and Angus, at the end of the fifth century. It extended from the Firth of Lorne in the north, to the Firth of Clyde in the south. It consisted of three tribes, the Cinel Gabran, descendants of Fergus, Cinel Angus, descendants of Angus, and Cinel Loarn, descendants of Loarn, who were called "the three powerfuls of Dalriada. (See Chart 1.) Their capital was at Dunadd, near Crinan.
The Pictish kingdom of Alba contained the remainder of Scotland north of the Firth of Forth. It consisted of two main divisions distinguished from each other as northern and southern Picts, but the whole nation was divided into seven provinces. Its seat of government appears to have been sometimes in southern Alba and sometimes in northern Alba.
The kingdom of the Britons consisted of the districts between the Firth of Clyde and Solway Firth, and extended east to the great forests of Ettrick. The capital was on a prominent rock on the north bank of the Clyde, termed by the Britons as Alcluith (= Alclyde), by the Gaels as Dunbreaton, and now called Dumbarton.
The Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Bernicia occupied the eastern districts of Scotland and the northern part of England, south of the Firth of Forth. Its capital was at what is now called Bamborough (= Dinguayrdi of the Britons, and Dunguaire of the Gaels).
In addition, as mentioned previously, there was a separate Pictish kingdom, called Galloway, on the north shore of Solway Firth. And of course, there were debatable lands between all these so-called kingdoms, and the sub-kingdoms within each of them.
Intermarriage between the royalty of all these kingdoms was common, and so the interrelationships of various kings, queens, sub-kings, chieftans, etc., became extremely complicated. Likewise, because of the different laws of tannistry that were followed in the different kingdoms, succession to the various thrones is extremely complex and confusing. Charts 1 and 2, listing the kings of the Dalriadic Scots, and the subsequent kings of Scotland, shows something of the complexity of their relationships.
In the course of three centuries after the departure of the Romans, the Picts, Scots, Britons and even the Anglo-Saxons were all, nominally, at least, converted to Christianity. The task that confronted the early Christian missionaries was no less difficult than in other barbaric societies. Pagan traditions and prejudices were deeply rooted; the tribes they went among were warlike and at odds with each other; the country was mountainous and wild. But, by the grace of God, a whole sequence of men emerged who were remarkable for their toughness, their strength of character, and their devotion to their faith.
There are indications that already in Roman days, little Christian communities existed north of Hadrian's Wall. Christianity had become the official faith of the Roman Empire and there were some Christians amongst the Roman legionaries. Naturally, from them, the new faith spread to the native population. In 208, the Emperor Tertullian wrote, "Places among the Britons unpenetrated by the Romans have come under the rule of Christ". Saint Ninian, (362-432 A.D.) the first of the great Christian missionaries to Alba, was the son of a Christian tribal chief in Galloway. After studying in Rome and being consecrated a bishop there, he returned to his native Strathclyde and there, in 397, he established a monastery, known as Candida Casa, at Whithorn, near Solway. This served as a seminary and a starting point for Christian missions, not only to the Britons, but also to the Picts. St. Ninian's missionaries pushed northward up the Great Glen toward Caithness and Sutherland, and, according to some accounts, even reached the Orkneys and Shetland. But, perhaps for linguistic and geographic reasons, it seems that they had little contact with Dalriada.
Just at the time when both the Ui Neill and the Dalradic dynasties were becoming established, St. Patrick, the son of a Roman deacon (Calpornius), came on the scene in Ireland. About the year 405 A.D., he was kidnapped during one of the many Irish slave raids in Britain and taken captive to Ireland. As we know, after six years, he escaped, went to Gaul and Rome, became a monk, and returned to Ireland to Christianize the Gaels. In the reign of Niall's oldest son, Leary (Loeguire) at Tara, St. Patrick brought the Catholic faith to Ireland. Among his first converts were King Leary, then High King of Ireland, and some of his brothers, including Conall Gulban, King of Donegal, and also the family of Erc, the King of Dalriada.
St. Patrick's coming to Ireland was the most important event in the island's history, and possibly in the history of western civilization as a whole. Its importance rests mainly on the fact that he brought forgiveness with him and established it within the society in which he worked. By doing so, he broke the unending cycle of tit-for-tat revenge in a barbarian society structured around the blood feud. Being a Roman, the church Patrick organized in Ireland was built on traditional Roman lines with a strict hierarchy, bishops ruling over vast diocese and governing priests and monks side by side who would become faithful adherents to Rome and the reigning Pope, the supreme authority in dogma and in discipline. Somehow, St. Patrick was able to dove-tail this "imperial" order with the existing tribes or "tuaths". He named four bishops for each of his four sees, or "tuaths", and nearly all of them founded similar segments of the church (=diocese).
Toward the end of his life, collegiate groups of bishops were formed - up to seven from one family or "derbfine". Since occupations among the Gaels were hereditary, it was perfectly natural for the office of bishops to become hereditary. This clerical lineage persisted in the northern Ui Neill dynasty and eventually produced St. Columba of Iona (affectionately called Columcille by the Irish), the Irish saint of the Scots, and King Kenneth McAlpin, the first king of the Scots. It was in St. Patrick's lifetime that writing first came to take the place of oral tradition, and it was with him that Ireland was opened up to new ideas from Europe and to a whole new philosophy of life. Before this, much of the creative passion of the Gaels was locked up in sterile pride, jealousy, hate and vengeance. Patrick broke the cycle of tribal retaliation and freed them for true greatness. He accomplished this by being a living embodiment of Christ's words, "Forgive us our sins as we forgive those who sin against us". His dedication and love convinced the rulers of Ireland to become Catholics. Thus, he not only achieved his own life-long goal of winning the Irish for Christ, he also became the Patron Saint of Ireland. Certainly the Christian heritage of most people of Irish and Scottish descent stems largely from the ground work done by Patrick, and of course, this includes the McAlpins of old and the McAlpines of today.
All through the next century (sixth), a conflict raged throughout the British Isles in which Christianity (Catholicism) was pitted against paganism. Many of the relatively new Christian communities established in England and Wales as a result of the Roman occupation, were wiped out by pagan tribes. Fortunately, the northern Ui Neill, descendants of Niall-of-the-Nine-Hostages, and the Dalriadic Scots, descendants of Erc, clung steadfastly to the faith of St. Patrick. In 559 however, the powerful and pagan Brude MacMaelchon, High King of the Picts of Alba, attacked and killed Gabhran, king of Scottish Dalriada and seized half of his territory. It was about this time that the great Columba MacFelin MacFergus, great-great-grandson of Niall-of-the-Nine-Hostages and grandson of Conal Gulban, King of Donegal, on his father's side, grandson of Erc on his mother's side, and the educational product of a Pictish mentor, came to the forefront of the life and death battle between paganism and the Church. Though eligible by right of descent to be High King of Ireland, Columcille declined the sceptre of kingship for sainthood. Nevertheless, he exercised his responsibility for his own dynastic family and became one of the most successful missionary and political leaders of all time.
In 561 A.D., during the Aenach, a Gaelic fair held in August of every third year, Prince Curnan, son of Connaught's King Aed, struck an opposing player with his stick during a game of hurley and killed him. He fled to Columcille and was granted the protection of the Church - a sanctuary right that had become recognized and accepted since the introduction of the Catholic faith. But the soldiers of Diarmid MacCerbel, "Ard Ri" of the southern Ui Neill, dragged Prince Curnan out and murdered him. By this act, Diarmid violated a vital right of the Church and broke the law of the land he had sworn to uphold. King Aed called out to his Connaught troops to avenge his son. Columcille's followers regarded the ensuing battle as a test of power between Druidism and the Church of Rome, and Columcille himself become the focus of the Christian cause. The famous battle occurred at Cul Dremne. Diarmid's army was badly defeated, and victory was attributed to Columcille's influence and prayers. From then on, Catholicism held the initiative in Ireland and monastic saints became more and more their leaders and heroes.
Columcille was determined that the inspiration and wisdom of the Church should be close at hand to his cousins who held royal power. Probably with this in mind, he very strategically placed his monasteries at Derry (near Grianan of Ailech, seat of the kings of the northern Ui Neill), at Durrow (close to Uisneach, seat of the southern Ui Neill) and at Kells (near Tara, seat of the High Kings of all Ireland). Up until this time, Irishmen (then called Scots) had gone abroad to receive Christian training, but now Columcille decided to send companies of Irishmen overseas to combat paganism in it own strongholds.
It was at this juncture that Columcille's own cousin, King Conall of the Dalriad Scots in Argyll called on him for help. Conall's little Christian kingdom was under imminent threat from the northern Picts under the powerful King Brude MacMaelchon. Columcille recognized this call as God's destiny and responded immediately. Following Christ's example, he picked twelve companions from among his close relatives, friends and associates - Island Soldiers he called them - and set sail in April, 563 from Derry. His first port of call was Delgon on Loch Killisport in Argyll, where they were welcomed by King Conall.
During the visit, they discussed suitable sites for Columcille and his men to establish a monastic headquarters in Pictland (Alba). No doubt Iona, which was ideally located on the borderline of the Picts of Alba and Dalriadic Scots from Ireland, was carefully considered. King Conall knew it well because his father (Comgall), grandfather (Domangart), and great-grandfather (Fergus MacErc) were buried there, and so was Columcille's great-grandfather (Lorne MacErc). Today this island graveyard contains the remains of forty-eight Scottish kings, including Kenneth McAlpin, and four Irish and seven Norse kings.
At any rate, Columcille and his Island Soldiers landed there on May 12, 563, and began his famous monastery. What a social revolution these monks stirred up! To the neighbouring Picts and Scots, everything about the Iona colony must have seemed upside down. Columcille's starting point in all he said and did was his selflessness. His aim was to establish a colony of Heaven on earth and his "Rule" mirrored Christ's sermon on the mount. The hopeless corruption of the surrounding pagan society reflected its disregard for the sanctity of domestic ties, and its unjust, selfish, violent, bloody character. By contrast, the monks exhibited a life of purity, holiness and self-denial. Picts and Scots watched and wondered as this little kingdom of Heaven took form in their midst. As it progressed, "a new light chased the gloom from the sea lochs and glens of the Hebrides". As we shall see, this light spread throughout Pictland (Alba) and Dalriada, thence, down through our ancestors, to us today.
The next step in Columcille's plan was to personally visit the formidable Brude MacMaelchon, High King of the Picts, in his own stronghold. This he did in 565 with two of his Pictish disciples. The outcome of this visit was that Brude became a Christian. Columcille himself became King Brude's "soul friend", and for the next twenty years, the Church flourished in Alba under the protection of the most powerful monarch ever to rule the Picts. Thus, this expedition to Inverness achieved many far-reaching results. The Brethern of Iona were confirmed in their tenure of the island. The survival of the Kingdom of the Scots of Dalriada was assured. The whole northern flank of the pagan alliance in Britain was detached. The land of the Picts was opened up to the preaching and teaching of Christian missionaries, and a process of merging between the northern peoples was begun, which in the fullness of time, created the Scottish nation.
Throughout his life, Columcille walked and talked with kings. Because of his royal birth they were his cousins and friends, and he used his princely influence to unite Christian leaders throughout Britain and Wales. Ten years after he responded to King Conall's call, the outlook for the Church was dramatically transformed. To the east of Iona, the land was ruled by Columcille's soul friend, King Brude. To the south, Christian champions governed Strathclyde and Cumbria, advised by Bishop Mungo (St. Kentigern) of Glasgow. The work of Welsh saints went powerfully forward throughout Wales, Cornwall and Britain. The Church militant and monastic was on the march from the Ornkeys to Brittany. All the reclaimed lands lay open to the Irish "saints and scholars" now pouring from the colleges of Bangor, Clonmacnois, Derry , Clonfert, Aran and Glendalough.
For the Britons and Gaels, the great war of the Faith had been won. They had chosen Christ and from that time onward, that decision, though severely wounded by the defection of England and Scotland at the time of the Reformation (1520-1620), has always remained in effect. Of course, the nominal acceptance of Christianity did not automatically eliminate man's inhumanity to man in the British Isles, or anywhere else for that matter. It is only by realizing that evil exists in society in spite of (not because of) Christianity that we can rationalize the occurrence of all the wars, revolutions, tyrannies, violences and injustices that have taken place, and continue to occur, there and elsewhere, even to the present day. Sadly, most of us, in spite of our acceptance of the basic principles of Christianity, still only pay them lip service and only very fractionally put them into practice.
King Conall of the Dalriad Scots died in 574. As the religious leader of these people, Columcille had been Conall's premier adviser. Among pagan Gaelic people this advisory role was always filled by the arch druid or religious leader, and the same custom was adopted into the Christianity of Columcille. Thus, when Conall died, it became Columcille's duty to supervise the choice of a successor. Under the Gaelic law of tanistry, the first claims to inheritance lay with Eoganan and Aedan, sons of King Gabran who himself had fallen fighting the Picts in 559. Eoganan was a warm friend of Columcille, but in spite of this, Columcille advised the nobles to elect Aedan (born 533). Aedan was a half-brother of Eoganan, and had royal blood-ties with both the Britons and the Picts, as well as with the Dalriadic dynasty. He was ordained King of the Scots in 574 by Columcille at Iona by the laying on of hands - the first monarch in British history to be so consecrated by the Catholic Church.
This religious act was essential because the authority of a Gaelic king was rooted in pagan religion. He was a reincarnation of a tribal god-ancestor - in this case a sun god. Faced with this custom, Columcille realized that King Aedan must be perceived by his people to hold his authority in trust from God Himself. Hence, the need for the King's ordination. That day, the real foundation of the Scottish monarchy was laid, and today Queen Elizabeth, Aedan's heir by right of descent, sits on the throne of Great Britain, holding her dominion "by the grace of God".
In his person, King Aedan combined all the racial strands which were to form the future nation. His father was a Scot (which at that time still meant Irishman). His mother was a Briton and her mother had been a Saxon princess. Aedan's wife was a Pict, and so he drew together the promise of the unity to come. He made his capital at Dunadd, and turned out to be the best king Dalriada ever had.
As old age weakened Brude MacMaelchon's firm hold of Pictland the old conspirators, the Ornkeys, Saxons and Maeatae Picts of the eastern seaboard, began their raids again. In 580 King Aedan led a naval expedition against the pirates of the Ornkeys. In 582 he chased the Ulidian Irish out of the Isle of Man, and in 583 he threw back a Saxon raid into Manaan, Stirlingshire. The war with the Saxon-Pict barbarians culminated in a furious battle in 584 with the Maeatae Picts. Although the battle was decisively won by King Aedan's army, his two oldest sons were killed. His youngest son, Eochaid Buide, then a boy, survived, and eventually (608-629) succeeded his father as king.
Once more, now, Columcille led his Island Soldiers to extend the influence of the Catholic Church into the still pagan lands of eastern Alba. His first move was to coordinate his efforts with his great ally, Bishop Mungo (St. Kentigern) of Glasgow. Together, they established a missionary base at Dunkeld and from there, launched a combined campaign to win the southern Picts. This was accomplished within the year, and Columcille turned his attention to the eastern Picts. With the assistance of one of his Pictish disciples from Ireland, Kenneth of Achaba, he founded a monastery at Kilrymont on the North Sea. This in time became St. Andrews, the premier bishopric of Scotland. The Picts of east coast were at last drawn into the new unity of all the people of Alba, and the Catholic Church was planted on the shore of the North Sea, so long the highway of the heathen freebooters.
By this time, Gaelic was a written language, thanks to the monks, and it was the vehicle of teaching in the monastic schools throughout Alba. Thus, it became the accepted tongue of educated people and the Pictish dialects faded away. North of the Firths of Forth and Clyde, the Picts and Scots, united now by a common faith, a common speech, and increasingly, by marriage, began to merge into one people. The process was gradual but irreversible. The Scottish nation was coming into being - thanks to the Irish saint who engineered it.
The next task for Columcille and Bishop Mungo was to win the Anglo-Saxons. After discussing this formidable but inescapable undertaking, it is believed they decided to seek assistance from Pope Gregory - 1500 miles away in Rome. At any rate, Bishop Mungo, now seventy years of age, set off for Rome in 590 and outlined the problems that faced them. Perhaps it was there that the plan was conceived, which in 596 sent Augustine, Prior of St. Andrews, with forty monks on his historic mission to Canterbury.
Mungo returned safely to Glasgow with seven papal messengers sent by Pope Gregory to carry his gifts of a cross and some hymns to Columcille at Iona. On Sunday, June 9, 597, Columcille, the prince who traded a scepter for a pilgrim's staff, died at seventy-seven years of age. That same summer, St. Augustine and his forty monks landed in Kent to begin the conversion of the English, the first Benedictine monks to go on a foreign mission. The story of how they were given a house at Canterbury by King Ethelbert of Kent, who became a Christian, of how their work of conversion went forward rapidly, and of how Augustine became the first Archbishop of Canterbury, is a separate story. What is of interest here, however, is that the Christianized Britons refused in 603 to assist Augustine in winning the hearts of the pagan Anglo-Saxon people of the eastern coast for Christ. As a consequence of this refusal, the Roman missionaries working within the little eastern courts, adopted their tongue and their traditions and this Teutonic civilization proceeded westward replacing the western Celtic traditions.
At that time Northumbria was pushing out in all directions under the aggressive leadership of the heathen King Ethelfrid. He had defeated Brittania's finest warriors about the year 600 at Catterick, exposing the kingdom of Strathclyde to an imminent threat of invasion. The Britons rallied all the allies they could muster including the Scots from Dalriada, under King Aedan. In the ensuing battle in 603, the English under Ethelfrid, defeated the combined British, Irish and Scottish forces, killing another of King Aedan's sons. Aedan never recovered from the blow and died five years later. He handed the kingdom over to his youngest son, Eochaid Buide, in 608 A.D. Aedan did not live to see the final defeat which Ethelfrid inflicted on the Britons at Chester in 616, completely cutting Wales off from the Britons in the north. Ancient Brittania was no more!
By a strange stroke of fate, however, Ethelfrid's own brother-in-law, Edwin, whom Ethelfrid was pursuing with paid assassins, surprised Ethelfrid and killed him. Stranger still, Ethelfrid's two little orphaned sons, Oswald, 13 and Oswy, 5, arrived as refugee children in far-off Iona in 617. They were taken in by Fergna Brit, a close kinsman of Columcille. Here they were raised for fifteen years, and of course, they were brought up Catholics. Eventually, they emerged to become kings of the Anglo-Saxons - another example of the "holy infection" spreading from Iona. One century after Columcille had stepped ashore there, "the warming rays from the same little Isle were lighting the farthest corners of the British Isles". Heathen Saxondom "became Christian England". Columcille's story ends with the invasion of Europe by the Irish Peregrini. The great strategy of his life was fulfilled and a new age had begun. Up until then, Britain was an abandoned Roman province beset by warlike tribes of pagan Picts and Scots, Angles and Saxons, whom the Romans had never brought into Roman order. According to Hillaire Belloc17:
"it was because the hand
of Imperial Rome (who gave us St. Patrick) had never reached far enough,
and had been too soon withdrawn, that the hand of Catholic Rome was
the more urgently needed in this outlying province than anywhere else".
Through St. Patrick, and Columcille and his followers, that hand came and established the Catholic Ireland, Scotland and England that remained more or less intact from their days until the Tudor dynasty in the sixteenth century.
Perhaps some may wonder what all this ancient history has to do with us today. Its main significance relates to the fact that for the most part, we are the living descendants of these Celtic forbears who responded to the leadership and examples of St. Patrick and Columcille and their followers. We need to be reminded of this from time to time and to be forever grateful for the light of this same Christian Faith which has been passed down from them, generation after generation, to us. When all is said and done, this gift of Faith is our most precious inheritance. It is the primary responsibility and duty of each of us to cherish it above everything else, to live by it and to pass it on in its fullness to our descendants. In the ecclesiastical readings for the feast of St. Patrick, St. Paul (Timothy 1,2) sums up the same thought as follows:
"You have been trusted to look after something precious; guard it with the help of the Holy Spirit who lives in us ... hand it on to reliable people so that they in turn will be able to teach others."
To return again to the early history: The little state of Dalriada remained united under single kingship from Columcille's time until 630. King Aedan's long reign (574-608) lasted until his death, and he was succeeded by his youngest son Eochaid Buide (see Chart 1). Eochaid reigned until he died in 629. The crown then went to his son, Conad Cerr. Conad was killed the same year, and was succeeded by his brother Domnall Brecc. Domnall Brecc's reign from 629-642 was disastrous for the Dalriadic Scots, because he disregarded Columcille's warning not to make trouble between the Gaelic people of Scotland and Ireland. For some sixty-five years following his death, the Dalriadic Scots were subjected to the sway of the Britons. Each separate tribe (Cinel) seems to have remained isolated from the rest under its own chief, while the Britons exercised a kind of dominion over them. Dalriada was not reconstituted as a recognized kingdom until the time of Selbach, of the Cinel Loarn. Selbach resigned in 722 to become a cleric, and was succeeded by his son Dungal. Dungal died in 726 and the crown reverted once again to the Cinel Gabran in the person of Alpin (Alpin the Pict), son of Eochaid. Now this Alpin, while a true Dalriadic Scot on his father's side, had a Pictish mother. Because of this, he succeeded Drust as king of the Picts in 726, and in 733 he succeeded his brother Eochaid as king of the Dalriadic Scots also. In 736 however, his title to the Pictish crown was challenged by the Pictish leader, Angus MacFergus; Angus defeated Alpin and drove him out of Dalriada. In 736 he was slain in Galloway, and although he is referred to as Alpin the Pict, he is also known as the last king of Dalriada.
According to Skene (1896, Vol.1, pp. 313-321), there is no more obscure period in the annals of the Gaels than the latter part of the eighth and the first half of the ninth centuries, i.e., between the end of Alpin the Pict's reign in 736 and the beginning of Kenneth's reign in 841. Thanks to the recent study by Celtic historian, Marjorie Anderson6, the succession of Dalriadic and Pictish kings in this period is now largely resolved (see Chart 1). It appears virtually certain that Kenneth emerged from Galloway, and that during some of the preceding generations there were several instances of one man holding kingships of both the Picts and Scots simultaneously, e.g., Constantine (30) and Dengus (31) (see Chart 1). Kenneth's father, Alpin the Scot, like Alpin the Pict, descended from Cinel Gabran (4), Aedan (6), Eochaid Buide (7), Domnall Brecc (10), brother of Alpin the Pict, and Aed Find (25). Kenneth's grandfather, also an Eochaid, probably married a Pictish princess18 because their son, Alpin the Scot , was given a traditional Pictish name. Alpin the Scot also married a Pictish princess because history tells us that Kenneth was Pictish on his mother's side. Both Alpin the Scot and Kenneth the Great are celebrated in elegiac poetry, and this is also reflected in historical records. Alpin the Scot was killed in 841 while fighting against the Picts; it is said that his enemies cut off his head which was then carried on a pole through the army and fixed as a spectacle in the capital of the Picts. One of the mottos handed down in the heraldry of the name is "Remember the death of Alpin". As noted in Douglas' (1798) account (see Chapter 2.3) Alpin had four sons, Kenneth, Donald, Gregor and Achaius, and one daughter. His four sons "took the patronymic Macalpin ... and their posterity were named Macalpins". However, from Prince Gregor, third son of Alpin, arose the Macgregors and several other great clans (including Macfindons, Macfingons, and McKinnons, from Findanus, second son of Dungallus son of Gregor). All of these, too, considered themselves as members of the Alpinian family. Apparently the Macalpins were much less prolific than the Macgregors, and if we believe Douglas, the Macalpin name was largely replaced by the name Macgregor for about 700 years, i.e., until about 1600.
Kenneth McAlpin became King of Dalriada in 841. The fact that his mother belonged to Pictish royalty, the sovereignty of which was passed on through matrilineal descent, probably helped him to consolidate Pictland (Alba) and Dalriada. Taking advantage of a crushing blow inflicted on the Picts at Fortrenn by the Danes, he mustered Scots (=Irish) from all quarters to regain the kingdom of Dalriada, and to implement his father's claim to the throne of the Picts. Thus, in 843 he became king of both kingdoms and founded a permanent patrilineal dynasty. According to the records, he ruled both the Picts and the Scots happily until his death in 859. The title "king of the Picts" remained in use by the Irish and Welsh chroniclers until the time of his grandson, but their subjects were referred to as Scots, and the country became known as Scotland.
Kenneth and his wife had at least two sons, Constantin and Aed, and three daughters (see Chart 1). He removed the capital to Scone in central Pictland (the old palace of the Pictish kings of the Upper Tay), but from this time onward the culture and speech of Scotland was to become more and more Gaelic and less and less Pictish. At the same time, the old lands of Dalriada ceased to be the focal point in Scottish history, and some of the old Pictish customs were adopted. One of these customs seems to have been that Pictish kings did not always reside at one place. When Kenneth was at Forteviot in Fortrenn, his two sons seem to have lived with him, but his wife was in Moniki in Forfar. He appears also to have had a residence at St. Andrews. Kenneth died in his palace at Forteviot, and among the examples of Irish bardic poetry characteristic of the ninth century, is one poem which deals specifically with his death. He was buried in Iona and for two centuries after this all but four Scottish kings were laid there, including it is said, his usurper descendants, MacBeth and Donald Bane.
Drawing again from Douglas' account (1798), "The Alpinian family swayed the scepter from King Alpin's days till the death of Alexander III in 1285, in which space there were twenty-five kings of them, exclusive of Macbeth, Donald VII (=Donald Bane) and Duncan II who usurped the crown". The precise genealogy of the twenty-three kings from Alpin to David I, covering more than three centuries (843-1153) is shown on Chart 2. By strict application of patronymy, fourteen of the fifteen kings (King Eocha excepted), down to and including Malcom II, would bear the name McAlpin. Possibly some or all of the female descendants shown in this line of descendants, including Malcom II's daughters, may have passed the name McAlpin on to their progeny, at least in common parlance, but no supporting evidence was found. Nevertheless, the twenty-five kings, and even the usurpers to whom Douglas referred, are all direct descendants of Kenneth McAlpin, so in that sense they are members of the "Alpinian family".
Thus, it is through the Dalriadic line of Fergus Mor, Gabran, Aedan, Alpin and Kenneth McAlpin that the Royal House of Scotland sprang. From Aedan, the first ordained king, the line of succession runs through the same line of kings to James VI of Scotland (see Charts 1 and 2 and Table 1) in whose reign the kingdoms of Scotland and England were united.
The history of Scotland from Kenneth McAlpin's time to the beginning of the sixteenth century is for the most part, a never-ending sequence of brawls between rival Scottish and English Royalty, Highland Chiefs, and Lowland Noblemen, whose loyalties shifted from one battle to the next. The period includes such events as the Anglo-Norman conquest under England's Edward I (King of England, 1272-1307), the great struggle for Scottish independence under Robert the Bruce (1306-1329), the terrible wastings of the Black Death (1349-50), and the rise of the Stuart Dynasty (from Robert II, 1371 onward) leading eventually to the complete dominance by England that exists to this day.
Throughout this whole period Scotland's most deadly enemy was England, but ironically, about half the time, half the Scots allied themselves with the forces of England against their own compatriots. I have chosen not to review this segment of Scottish history in much detail partly because it is difficult to relate it to our own family history, and partly because of my inability to do it justice. In itself, however, it is a fascinating story, and for those who wish to pursue it for themselves, I recommend two accounts, namely, John Prebble's, The Lion of the North19, and Fitzroy Maclean's, A Concise History of Scotland20.
Perhaps the greatest difficulty in relating this epoch to our family is that most of the action took place in the borderline regions of the Lowlands, whereas the homeland of the McAlpine's is in the vicinity of Loch Awe in the Highlands (Argyll). John Prebble emphasizes this point as follows:
"The long brawl of Scotland's
history began in the bloody cockpits of the Lowlands, eighteen hundred
years ago, when the Romans abandoned the Antonine Wall and left its
forts burning against the night sky. The influential battles of its
independence were fought here, and the cut-throat battles of the Crown,
Church, and People. For more than a thousand years the first assault
by invading torch fell upon the Lowland Borderers. For four hundred
years after Edward of England sent his great army northward to the Tweed,
the Borders continued to be the killing-ground of freedom."21
Credit for most of the following information on the McAlpines of this period goes to Walter Allen.
The four hundred year period after King Kenneth, covers the beginning of reliably recorded Scottish history. However, genealogies were not kept for anyone except royalty, certain church officials, and tenants of monks who worked the land associated with monasteries and abbeys. Furthermore, as stated earlier, consistent use of surnames did not come into practice until late in the thirteenth century and was not generally established in the Highlands until the eighteenth century. Hence, it is scarcely possible to actually document any Scottish family genealogies throughout this period. But at least one present-day branch of McAlpin(e)s, namely the Easter family, sometimes referred to as the "Easter Connection", traces its ancestry directly to King Kenneth I of Scotland.
According to an article by Mrs. C.W. Johnston, published in DAR Magazine, Vol. LVII, January 1923, p. 163, cited by Doris McAlpin Russel, 1990, p.7034, Kenneth McAlpine, the Duke of Northumberland under King Richard Coeur de Lion, joined with his king in a Crusade in the East between 1189 and 1200. Following the Crusade he took the surname of Easter (from the East) to commemorate the privilege and honour of having fought for the Cross in Palestine. Kenneth claimed direct descent from Kenneth McAlpin, the first King of Scotland, and was married to Edith Plantagenet, a first cousin of King Richard, Coeur de Lion. In 1594, Lord Kenneth McAlpin Easter, a direct descendant of Kenneth McAlpin Easter, Duke of Northumberland, was made Lord of Edinburgh. In 1649, Lord James Easter, a direct descendant of Laird Kenneth, became head of the "House of Easters". In 1703, Sir Robert Easter married Catherine, daughter of James, the Duke of Hamilton. In 1830, five generations after this alliance, four of their great-great-grandchildren, Hamilton Easter, John McAlpin Easter, William Easter and Archibald O'Hanlen Easter, settled in Maryland. Thus, this is one of the few existing scions of the family that claims to be able to bridge the genealogical gap between the ninth and the seventeenth centuries.
In Walter Allen's investigations, extensive study was given to some fifteen generations of Scottish royalty after Kenneth McAlpin, including many lateral lines. This included all the Scottish kings up to William the Lion who lived from 1165 to 1214 (see Chart 2 and Table 1). Various works of historians, mythology and traditions were reviewed for mention of McAlpines. Efforts were concentrated on the Dumbarton area where the name originated.
The Moray line of Fitzduncan and McWilliam from Duncan II, did not prove to be a source of McAlpines, as expected. Also, records of offspring from Run Macarthgarl, King of Strathclyde, who married a daughter of Kenneth McAlpin, did not include McAlpines in the Dumbarton region. Considerable work was done on the history of King William the Lion and David, his brother, who was Earl of Lennox and Huntington, also with little results. But again this is not surprising because the present system of surnaming had not yet come into practice.
Many chartularies (monasterial records) of the monks of that period were searched for McAlpines as crofters and workers. Some references to Alpins were found in these records, and a few signatures were discovered of McAlpins who had witnessed charters as thirteenth century thanes or clerics. These records are, of course, quite significant because they prove that the name was, in fact, being carried on at that time.
The extensive history of the Earls of Strathearn, especially their Charter of Inchaffray, was helpful. Douglas' Baronage of Scotland, 17989, mentions that several thanes of Strathearn were of the Alpinian name and family.
Research on the thirteenth century charters, bulls, and other documents, relating to the Abbey of Inch (Insulae Missarum, Isle of Masses,Inchaffray) yielded some interesting information. Gilbert, the third Earl of Strathearn founded this abbey in 1200 under the Augustinian ecclesiastical system rather than the Celtic system, and he entrusted his brother Malise for selection of subsequent priors. Malise, a presbyter and a hermit, according to the foundation charter, was to appoint members of the religious community from the House of Canons Regular at Scone. He married Ada, daughter of David (McAlpin), the brother of King William the Lion. Thus Ada was of royal ancestry going back to Fergus Mor and his father Erc. Elphin is believed to be a second son of Ada and Malise and thus, through his mother, possibly a descendant of Alpin the Scot. Documents relating to the Abbey of Inch show that he granted a charter to the Abbey of Lindores in the time of Abraham, Bishop of Dunblane (1210-24).
According to Black in The Surnames of Scotland:
"John McAlpyne witnessed
a charter by Malise, Earl of Stratherne of the lands of Cultenacloche
and others in Glenalmond, c. 1260 (Grandtully, I, p. 126). Monach filius
Alpini witnessed a charter by Bricius de Androssane to Insula Missarum
(Inchaffray) in 1271 (LIM., p. 22). As Monauche Macalpin he witnessed
a charter by Thomas of Munimuske, c. 1285 (HMC., 2. Rep., p. 166), and
as Monach macAlpy he is a witness to several Atholl charters between
1284 and 1290 (REM., p.466,467,469,470, Athole, p.705). He appears again
in a memorandum of 1295 as Monathe Macalpy (Cambus., p. 7). In 1296
as Monathe fiz Alpyn of the county of Perth he rendered homage (Bain,
II, p. 200,532). Duncan Alpynsone of Augh(in)tulus of Dunbretan also
rendered homage, 1296 (ibid., p. 205,557). Malcolm Macalpyne witnessed
a charter by Duncan, earl of Levenax in 1395 (Levenax, p.65); and Sir
John Macalpyn or McCalpy, chaplain, was escheat for his part in the
rebellion of the late James Stewart, youngest son of the Regent Albany
(ER., IV. p. 493,524). Mordac Makcalpy of Scotland at the special request
of his cousin Mordak of Fyfe had permission from the king of England
(Henry IV) to attend the schools of Oxford and Cambridge, 1405 (Bain,
IV, p. 699). Robert McAlpy was clerk of justiciary, 1457 (ER., VI, p.333).
A contract of marriage between Duncan Aquhonam and Agnes Malcalpyn of
Camquhil is recorded, 1475 (SBR., p. 256). In 1507 there is an entry
of marts to Malcolm Makcalpy in Bute (ER., XII, p. 512). In 1526 Thomas
M'Calpy was found by an assize to have 'faltit to the bailye of Stirling',
and two years later as Thom M'Calpy, he appears as member of town council
(SBR., p. 26,276). John McAlpyn or M'Calpin, prior of the Friar Preachers
of Perth, appears in record between 1531 and 1534 as M'Cappe and McCawpyn
(ER., IVI, p. 60,358,369). During his residence in Wittenberg, he received
from Melancthon the surname Machabaeus, by which he is better known.
In 1548 payment was made "to one hieland officiar of the Levinax
callit Macalpyne" or "Macalpye" (ALHT., IX, p. 247).
Robert McCalpie was the king's cook in 1618 (RRC., XI, p. 388). A charge
was made against a man in 1671 for mutilating Adam McCapen (Just. Rec.,
II, p. 66), and James McAlpie was sheriff-clerk of Renfrew, 1688 (RRC.,
XIII, p. 390)."22
It must be remembered that practically all of the ordinary people of Scotland were illiterate during the Middle Ages. Even Kings signed charters with an "X" until a seal was cast, and history was largely unknown to all but the royalty and the ecclesiastics. After the twelfth century the urban areas were heavily influenced by the Norman culture, but the rural areas remained Gaelic until the beginning of the nineteenth century. Except for those records that the monks and clergy managed to preserve, most of the early documents of Scotland were destroyed by Edward I of England, who invaded much of the country in 1291. He required the nobles to swear fealty or homage to him in 1296, and these lists of oaths, called Ragman Rolls, are still preserved in London. Most of the names in them are Norman or Flemish as a result of the heavy migration north from England at the time of King David I (1084 - 1153), but, according to Walter Allen, several "Macalpynes" are included. There are also records of McAlpines (or variations of that name) recorded in Perthshire as early as 1260.
Walter Allen's research also revealed a few McAlpine names in early fourteenth century documents, spread from Strathearn to Dumbarton and Paisley, Renfrew. All were clerics of the church.
Recorded history seems inadequate to actually prove that any of these McAlpins are descendants of the early canons, priors and bishops of Strathearn. However, there is likewise no evidence that some of them could not have been, for clerics were permitted to marry during the Middle Ages. The early records of the McAlpins in Dumbarton and Edinburgh are all connected with the Church, and it could be reasoned that they had ancestry with the thirteenth century Alpins in the clergy of Strathearn.
From these records it seems reasonable to conclude that other McAlpines existed throughout these times without any records having been left. Although none of the persons involved, even in the Dumbarton area, can be positively genealogically linked to King Kenneth, or to us today, it seems likely that for the most part the continuation of the name resulted from genealogical descent and historical connections with the Royalty or the Church, or perhaps both.
Up until 1500, and even for more than two centuries later, the people of the Scottish Highlands, which, of course, included the McAlpines, retained much of their old tribal structure and Celtic customs. Maclean (1988 edition, pp. 66-68)20 provided an excellent description of the situation:
"Meanwhile in the north-west, beyond the Highland Line, life went on much as it had for five hundred years or more. Here what happened in Edinburgh or in the Anglicized Lowlands had very little relevance. In the Highlands the hold of both Church and State was tenuous in the extreme. Here a different system, different loyalties and different standards prevailed. In Gaelic, clann meant children. The chief was the father of his people. He was, in theory at any rate, of the same blood as they were. He had power of life and death over them (of which he made full use). And he commanded, by one means or another, their complete loyalty. His land, in a sense, was their land; their cattle were his cattle. His quarrels (and they were bloody and frequent) were their quarrels. In essence, the clan system was patriarchal rather than feudal, an ancient Celtic concept which bore but little relation to the recent central monarchy, but had its origins rather in early Norse and Irish kingdoms of the west, from whose kings and high kings the chiefs of most of the great clans traced their descent.
To the Highlander, land, the wild barren land of the Highlands, cattle, the stunted little black beasts that got a living from it and from which he in turn got a living, and men, men at arms to guard the land and cattle, were what mattered. The clan lands belonged by ancestral right to the chief and were sub-divided by him among the members of his family and the men of his clan. The cattle were the most prized possession of chief and clansman alike, the source of their livelihood and social standing and the source, too, of unending strife. In time of war, the chief and those of his own blood, led the clan in battle and, when he sent out the fiery cross, it was the duty of the men of the clan to follow where he led. In war and peace he had absolute power over them, being by ancient custom rather than by any feudal charter, or legal right, both law-giver and judge. The clan had its foundation in the deeply-rooted Celtic principles of kindredness23, a mixture of kinship and long tradition, far stronger than any written law. As father of his people, the chief stood midway between them and God, settling their disputes, helping them when they were in need, protecting them and their cattle against their enemies. Buiachaille nan Eileanan, the Shepherd of the Isles, was the Gaelic title of the Macdonald chiefs.
With his chief, the humblest clansman shared a pride of race scarcely conceivable by a stranger. All who bore their chief's name like to believe themselves - and often were - descended, as he was, from the name-father of the clan. 'Almost everyone' the English Lieutenant, Edward Burt, was to write in amazement some centuries later, 'is a genealogist'.
Little wonder, then, that from their mountain or island fortresses, the great chiefs and chieftains of the north and north-west, surrounded by their loyal clansmen, should through the ages have paid little heed to the pronouncements of kings or parliaments or officers of state from south of the Highland Line, regarding these only as potential allies or enemies in their own, more personal struggles for power. Which is why, in the following twists and turns of Highland history, it is important to think, not in terms of a clan's loyalty or disloyalty to this or that monarch or dynasty or government, but rather of a system of ever-shifting alliances and conflicts of interest between a number of independent or semi-independent minor kingdoms and principalities. For this is what in fact the clans were."
The beginning of the sixteenth century marked the closing of the Middle Ages, and this period in England and Scotland, as in all of Europe, was characterized by an increasing discontent of the masses against the deteriorating forms of all segments of medieval society. It seems that every institution operated by men and women had become stagnant and debased. Even the temporal and visible organization of the Catholic Church, which up until then was the only Christian church in the British Isles, suffered the same malaise. The attitudes and priorities of people in power, changed. Their loyalties to the Church were deflected to more worldly things like temporal rulers, nationalities, and material gain. Expediency and politics, not principle, governed their decision and actions. Greed and hunger for power became the key issues. Lay leaders sought both the authority and the perceived wealth held by the Pope and national hierarchies. These changes in the attitudes of men in power marked the advent of absolute government in civil affairs. In the sad events that ensued, Christendom, which heretofore had been united throughout Europe, was torn apart and divided into many separate sects.
It was at this particular moment in history (about 1517), that the storm of the Reformation struck Europe. Within a century, the upheaval associated with it wrought profound changes in the life and government of all European people, including, of course, those of Britain. The following account of the Reformation is necessary because of the profound effect it had on the lives of our ancestors in Argyll, and their descendants, even to the present generation. For those who might wish to review the subject of the Reformation in greater depth, I would especially recommend two books by the English historian and author, Hilaire Belloc, Europe and the Faith17 and Characters of the Reformation24, and A Popular History of the Catholic Church by Philip Hughes51. Much of what follows on this subject is derived from these sources.
It is commonly accepted that the "Reformation" began in Germany in 1517 when Martin Luther nailed his thesis to the church door, but this was in fact the beginning of the Protestant separatist movement. The Reformation in its true sense, took place within the Roman Catholic Church. It was already beginning by the time Luther broke with the Pope and culminated with the Council of Trent 1545-1563. Breaking away from the reforming Church were two main separatist movements, the Lutheran movement in Germany under Martin Luther, and the Reformed movement in France, under Jean Calvin. There was also a third disparate group, falling somewhere between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism, whose proponents were known as the radicals of the Protestant Reformation. They continue today as the Anabaptists, the Mennonites, the Amish, the Hutterites, and their spiritual stepchildren, the Baptists. It was the combined force of all these separatist movements that brought about the Protestant Reformation in continental Europe, a movement that was decisively strengthened by the defections of England and Scotland. As Douglas Woodroffe (in Belloc, 1962, p. xxi17) says: "In England a people who had been Catholic for nearly a thousand years were severed from their roots just as they were about to begin their greater career in maritime expansion". Woodroffe (idem, p. xxii) summed up the irony and tragedy of the catastrophe as follows: "But no Protestants anywhere dreamed in the sixteenth century that the Church could be divided; their battle was a battle inside the Church, to change its nature, to expel certain practices and certain individuals, but not to create anything fresh. All this is reflected in their success on attaching the name Reformation to the whole process, for in fact, the process of reformation, when it did take place belatedly but thoroughly, took place inside the Church, making the post-Tridentine Church very unlike the Church of the last century of the Middle Ages. The Protestant revolt created national Churches and a welter of sects, and an enduring division of Europe." Woodroffe's first four words seem too generous if we include such unscrupulous players as Thomas Cromwell, Thomas Cranmer and William Cecil, but the main statement is probably a fair appraisal of the situation.
During the first twenty years or so, from 1517 onward, the revolt against the Church was closely intermixed with a very legitimate determination to reform abuses within it. There were grave corruptions in the Church on the part of many men who had no intention of destroying the Church unity or interfering with the great bulk of Church doctrine and custom. This was especially true in England where the Church was less corrupt than elsewhere, and the people were by nature, conservative. But about a generation after Luther's revolt, a distinct effort arose to impose, in various places, new laws and institutions to the destruction of Catholicism. At the same time, Catholic forces in Europe slowly proceeded with what is generally called the "Counter Reformation", and, if it had not been for the success of the Protestant movement in England, the catastrophic break-up of a united western Christendom might have been avoided.
England was captured for the revolutionary side, not by any desire on the part of her people, but by a succession of incidents which marked each of them as a step more difficult to retrace. First, for reasons that can scarcely be called theological, the King of England, the most complete autocrat of his day, fell out with the Pope. The issue was the desire of King Henry VIII to get an annulment of the marriage between himself and his first wife, Catherine of Aragon. He wanted the marriage annulled because he was completely captured by Anne Boleyn, a young woman of the court who would be satisfied with nothing less than being his Queen. The fact that he could not get Pope Clement VII to grant the annulment began the business. Those cronies who flattered and supported Henry, particularly his minister, Thomas Cromwell, an adventurer of high talents and no scruples, conducted the matter of gradually moving toward the break with Rome. This was achieved at the end of 1534.
Having achieved the break with Rome, Thomas Cromwell, founder of the vast Cromwell fortune, much of which Oliver Cromwell was later to inherit, advised and carried out the confiscation of the monastic lands in England, a huge loot which was to be followed by further robbery of clerical endowments of every kind, including schools, as well as the wealth of Sees, Parishes, and Chapters. The new fortunes arising from this flood of confiscation determined the outcome of the revolution. The English landed classes, who were everywhere the local leaders, received the bulk of this wealth, so that it was to their material interests to further the Reformation. It was this financial reason more than any other which worked unceasingly to drag England away from Catholicism. It was Henry VIII himself who started the ball rolling, but it was his clever minister, Thomas Cromwell, his sub-serviant Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer, and the "old fox", William Cecil, who guided its course.
Thomas Cromwell - by the time he had made his master, King Henry VIII, a local lay Pope (he called himself the Vicar of Christ on earth as far as England and Ireland were concerned), by the time Archbishop Cranmer had pronounced the divorce between Henry and his legitimate wife, Catherine of Aragon, and by the time Henry had married Anne Boleyn and their child Elizabeth had been born and declared heir to the throne - was the complete master of England and wholly controlled and managed Henry himself until 1540. It was he who inaugurated a reign of terror resulting in the arrest and, at last, execution of very high-placed laymen and clerics who withstood the schism. And it was he who directly authorized the dissolution of the monasteries, abbeys, etc., and the great orgy of looting Church properties that followed - all for personal gain. Cromwell himself made a huge fortune, but he also gave land away right and left, as did the King, to favourites of the Court. He gave at least thirteen monastic estates to his nephew, the great-great-great grandfather of Oliver Cromwell. The ultimate effect of this policy was to ensure that eventually pretty well every landed family in England had been "bribed" not to admit England's being made Catholic again. But in 1540, the same Thomas Cromwell made a fatal error. He over-estimated his power and bamboozled Henry into marrying Anne of Cleaves, the unattractive daughter of a Protestant German prince - this to prevent any going back on the schism. Well, Henry was disgusted with this new mate and furious with Cromwell for getting him involved. So, he promptly had his head chopped off on July 24, 1540, but not before Cromwell, heretofore to all appearances an utterly unscrupulous atheist, concerned only with this world and what he could get out of it, admitted to Catholic truth and made a last minute confession.
Upon Henry VIII's death in 1547, Edward, his sickly young son by his third wife, Jane Seymore, became King. His maternal uncle, Edward Seymore, then first Earl of Hertsford (infamous for his part in the Rough Wooing of Scotland in 1544; see page 78) was named Lord Protector, and, through the agency of William Cecil and Archbishop Cranmer, John Knox the fiery leader of Protestantism in Scotland was appointed Edward's Chaplain. In the sermon addressed to the little boy king on his enthronement, Cranmer reminded him that no power on earth could claim any rights over the King of England, a direct challenge to the Papacy. Thus, Edward VI was reliably Protestant throughout his short reign.
Edward died in 1553 and Mary Tudor, Henry VIII's eldest child acceded to the throne in spite of strong efforts of Cranmer and Cecil against her because she was a Catholic. She tried to restore Catholicism in England during her five and one half years as Queen, but she died in 1558. It was in her reign that the wretched Archbishop Cranmer came to his just reward. He was charged with heresy, for he had not only worked with all his might to destroy the Mass in England, but had actually drawn up a code of laws by which men would be punished with death for accepting the Sacrament of the Altar. He was duly tried, convicted and burned at the stake in 1556.
Following Mary Tudor's death in 1558, her half-sister, Elizabeth, the daughter of Henry and Anne Boleyn, was placed on the throne. William Cecil saw to that, and again took full control. Throughout her reign she was the puppet, or figurehead of the group of new millionaires established on the loot of religion begun in her father's time. The supreme example of the way in which she was run by those who were her masters, especially by Cecil, is the case of her cousin, Mary Queen of Scots, the legitimate heir to the throne of England. Mary's murder - for it was murder - was accomplished against Elizabeth's will. The signing of the warrant had indeed been wrung out of Elizabeth by her managers, but it was put into execution in spite of her in order that she, Elizabeth, should be made responsible for the death of Mary.
In 1559 Elizabeth's first Parliament passed the Act of Supremacy which declared the Queen "supreme governor in all things spiritual and temporal". Fifteen of the sixteen Catholic bishops refused to take this sacrilegious oath and were at once deprived of their sees. Two died in exile, one died at home, and twelve were imprisoned until their deaths. They were replaced by invalidly consecrated Calvanistic laymen, and England was now definitely Protestant. By 1585 it became high treason for Catholic priests to stay in England, or for anyone to protect them. In just fifty years the newly enriched had won the revolution.
Now let us examine how all this dove-tails with the same process in Scotland, and the effect it had on our ancestors in Argyll.
In Scotland at this time a high proportion of the Church's prelates, as in the aristocracy, were corrupt and degraded. Pope Eugenius IV had called the Scottish Bishops 'Pilates rather than Prelates' and Archbishop Hay, a relative of Cardinal David Beaton, had found it necessary to warn him that priests were being ordained 'who hardly knew the order of the alphabet', while others 'come to the heavenly table who have not slept off last night's debauch'. Though most priests were miserably poor, there were eye-catching exceptions. Parson Adam Colqhoun of Stobo lived as we are told with his mistress, Mary Boyd, and their two sons in luxurious ostentation in Glasgow. When Adam died in 1542, his two sons, having been formally legitimized in 1530, were duly awarded his entire fortune. The Bishop of Moray, for his part, provided for all nine of his children at the expense of the Church. Bastard daughters of rich prelates were in much demand for their rich dowries. Even Scottish nuns, if we are to believe the reports of Cardinal Sermoneta, 'go forth abroad surrounded by their numerous sons, and give their daughters in marriage dowered with ample revenues from the Church'. Alexander Stewart, a bastard of King James IV, was made Archbishop of St. Andrews at the age of eleven, as well as Abbot of Arbroath and Prior of Coldringham. And had not the Pope himself, at the King's request, obligingly provided priories and abbeys for no less than five of James V's bastards while they were still infants? Everywhere, not surprisingly, fewer people attended Mass and more and more churches crumbled into disrepair. Attempts by sincere religious to restore this deplorable situation came too late. By one of these mysterious processes that occur at such times, a spontaneous popular movement of dissent sprang into being.
Among the earliest dissenters was Sir John McAlpine, a Dominican Friar who was ordered for trial in Edinburgh in 1532, but escaped to England and Denmark. He became a noted Reformist, and was the first to translate all the old Greek gospels into Danish. The reform movement that followed was given direction by a 'fervent, grim-looking young priest with a black beard carrying a large two-handed sword' - "Father" John Knox. Fuelled by a vicious hatred of the Catholic Church and everyone and everything associated with it, and possessed with a formidable personality and a fierce eloquence, he laid the foundation for the triumph of Protestantism in Scotland. Perhaps a modern character that identifies with that of Knox is the Rev. Ian Paisley of Northern Ireland.
Just as was the case in England, the reform motives of all concerned were not purely spiritual. To the religious zeal of the reformers, were added the greed of many nobles for rich church lands, and the political aspirations of the Anglophile faction. But let us back up for a moment.
In 1542, James V of Scotland died, and his newborn daughter Mary was proclaimed Queen of Scots before she was a week old. She was a Catholic and through her French mother, Marie de Guise, she stood to strengthen the long-standing alliance between Scotland and France. She was also the grandniece of Henry VIII of England, now the principal protagonist of Protestantism in Europe and the sworn enemy of both France and the Pope. For Henry, the outlook in Scotland was disturbing, so by one means or another he was determined to do two things: make Scotland Protestant and so turn her against France, and make himself master of Scotland.
First, he sought to win the little Queen Mary of Scots as a bride for his sickly son Edward, the heir to the English throne. To this effect a treaty of marriage was duly negotiated with James, first Earl of Arran (the Scottish Regent and heir to the Scottish throne on the death of James V), who was inclined to favour an English rather than a French connection. But the little queen's mother, the clever and determined Marie de Guise, and her unprincipled but extremely able adviser, Cardinal David Beaton, had other plans. Little Mary was carried off by the Cardinal and crowned Queen of Scots at Scone, while the Estates, who rightly distrusted Henry VIII, were without difficulty persuaded to repudiate Henry's treaty of marriage between little Mary and sickly Edward.
Henry VIII's reaction to this turn of events was to invade Scotland under Edward Seymore (brother of Henry's third wife, Jane Seymore), then first Earl of Hertsford. This invasion is known in history as Henry's 'Rough Wooing' expedition. During the summer of 1544, Edinburgh and the Borders were laid waste and burnt, and appalling atrocities were perpetrated by Henry's soldiers. 'Put all to fyre and swoorde', ran the Privy Council's instruction, 'burne Edinborough towne, so rased and defaced when you have sacked and gotten what ye can of it, as there remayne forever a perpetual memory of the vengaunce of God'. Hertsford later sent Henry a joyous account of his progress: "Seven monasteries burned, four abbeys, five market towns, two hundred and fifty-three villages ..." This was the last great destructive invasion by the English, and it was a terrible tragedy for the Catholic Church in Scotland, just before the full effect of the Reformation fell upon it.
Now, enter again Rev. Knox with his Bible and his broadsword! The following account, covering the events of the Reformation in Scotland until Knox's death in 1572 are mainly adapted from Maclean's (1981) book (pp. 85- )20:
The time of Henry VIII's 'Rough Wooing' of Scotland was one of tension and war, of plots and counter plots, of mayhem and assassination. Henry VIII had generously offered a thousand pounds for the murder of Cardinal Beaton. John Knox, for his part, approved murder, provided it was for the right motives!. Early in 1546, a reformist mentor of John Knox, by the name of George Wishart, was arrested on charges of collaboration with the English and participation in a plot to murder Cardinal Beaton. Wishart was convicted of heresy and burned at the stake in the Cardinal's presence at St. Andrew's. Two months later, in May 1546, a band of Protestant noblemen seized Beaton's castle at St. Andrew's, stabbed the Cardinal to death and threw him out of his own window. One important obstacle to Henry's plans was duly eliminated.
The Cardinal's assassins barricaded themselves in the castle, with John Knox as their rather reluctant chaplain, and held out there until July 1547. Then, at the request of Marie de Guise, the French fleet arrived, reduced the castle and dispatched to the galleys such prisoners as they took, including his Reverence, John Knox. By this time, Henry VIII of England was dead, and replaced by his sickly young son, Edward, under the Regency of his uncle, Edward Seymore, now Duke of Somerset. Somerset once again inflicted a crushing defeat on the Scots, and soon, John Knox was promoted from prisoner of Marie de Guise, to Chaplain of King Edward VI, by His Eminence Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury.
In 1548, little Mary, Queen of Scots, was sent to France by her mother to become the bride of Dauphin Francois, son of the French king, Henry II, setting the stage to combine the crowns of Scotland and France.
In 1553, on the accession of Mary Tudor to the English throne, and, through her, England's abrupt reversion to Roman Catholicism, Knox fled to Germany and Geneva, where he came strongly under the influence of Jean Calvin. In 1555, he returned to Scotland, full of fire and brimstone. His first target was the Queen Mother, Marie de Guise, whom he resented, not only as a Catholic, but as a woman. His impact was formidable. In 1556, Knox went back to Geneva, where Calvin had now set up a model state on Calvinist principles. In November, 1558, Mary Tudor died and Elizabeth was made Queen of England, so early in 1559, John Knox returned to Scotland for good.
The Protestant movement in Scotland was now rapidly gaining ground. In 1557, a powerful group of nobles led by Archibald Campbell, fifth Earl of Argyll (England's representative for our McAlpine ancestors of that time), and James Douglas, fourth Earl of Morton, drew up a document, later known as the "First Covenant" for which signatures were sought all over Scotland. In this the "Lords of the Congregation", as its sponsors were called, pledged to "establish the most blessed word of God" and "to forsake and renounce the congregation of Satan", in other words, to break with Rome and set up a reformed national Church. By the new year, their numbers had increased, and they were a powerful political party inspired by that divine word and by a hunger for the rich lands of the Church. They won widespread popular support, but neither the Scottish Parliament nor the clergy would meet their requests.
In the last week of April, 1558, the Catholic hierarchy decided to make an example of a relatively harmless old priest for heresy and burnt him at St. Andrew's. About the same day, at a magnificent ceremony in Paris, the fifteen year old Queen Mary of Scotland was married to Dauphin Francois of France. An eventual union of the crowns and the virtual conversion of Scotland into a Catholic province of France seemed probable. Francois' father, Henry II, died a few months later. Francois succeeded to the throne of France, and openly announced his claim to both the Scottish and English crowns (because his wife was legally the heir to the crowns of both Scotland and England), It was a challenge which Elizabeth Tudor and her managers were ready and willing to oppose.
Early in 1559, in response to pressing requests from the powerful Protestant faction, John Knox returned to Scotland. His sermons were more stirring and inflammatory than ever. In Maclean's words, "He seemed possessed of an almost daemoniac power". All over central Scotland, in Perth, at St. Andrew's, in Stirling and Lindithgow, excited mobs, inflamed by his eloquence, set to work breaking up churches, smashing altars, and destroying religious statues and pictures. Upon the accession of Elizabeth in England, her master, William Cecil, encouraged the Reformers by sending money across the border to them. Thus encouraged, they redoubled their efforts. All the churches in Perth were sacked and Mass forbidden on the pain of death. With this, a civil war broke out.
Marie de Guise, the Queen Mother, attempted to stem the tide, but because her forces, including Archibald Campbell, fifth Duke of Argyll, were more in sympathy with the Reformers than with the Catholic Church, she was unsuccessful.
The year 1560 marked a turning point in Scottish history. In June, Marie de Guise died, and early in July, the Treaty of Edinburgh recognized Elizabeth as Queen of England and provided for the withdrawal from Scotland of all English and French troops. This ensured the ultimate victory of Protestantism and ultimate union with England. In August, Parliament was called and by successive statutes, the authority of the Pope was abolished and the celebration of the Mass was forbidden. Now John Knox was, with five others, given the task of formulating the creed and constitution of the new church.
Compared with other countries, the Reformation in Scotland had made few martyrs. According to Maclean (1981), only "seven Protestants suffered death by law before the Reformation and two Catholics after it. The majority of the Catholic clergy either joined the new church or retired on pensions, while their flocks for the most part followed suit".
This latter point is one of the main reasons I have included this rather long discourse on the Reformation, because it explains why most of the McAlpines of today are Protestants. Up until the Reformation the McAlpines, like all Highlanders, were, nominally at least, Roman Catholics. From the Reformation onward, however, it appears that almost all McAlpines are Protestant. One exception is the branch of the family tree that emigrated from Scotland to Ireland in the 1792, i.e., our branch, but even they seem to have rejoined the Catholic Church after their arrival in County Mayo (see pp. 136-7).
Since Archibald Campbell, fifth Earl of Argyll, who was the effective clan chief of the McAlpines at the critical time of the Reformation, was a friend of John Knox and instrumental in drawing up the "First Covenant" of the new church, it seems very probable that during the period 1517-1585 most, if not all our McAlpine ancestors in Argyll became adherents of the Reformed Church, i.e. Protestants. In all likelihood the vast majority of them who lived at that time had little choice in the matter because their livelihood, as well as their political and religious affiliations, were locked into those of the Campbell dynasty. What that dynasty did not get by force, it got by guile and bargaining with the Crown, and all it got, it held by English law. In the end, the Campbell clan became the most powerful influence in the west of Scotland, but especially in Argyll. As the rule of English law increased, so clan Alpine diminished, unitl in James V' time the entire clan MacGregor was proscribed and their name was forbidden by Act of Parliament (see pp. 87-8).
The new Kirk in which our ancestors probably found themselves was austere. Prebble (1984, p.38)21 stated that "History shows that this revolutionary church which Knox laboured so hard to build was sometimes valiant, sometimes craven, and sometimes compassionate. More often, however, as its liberating ideology decayed into bigotry, it was insanely cruel". With it, austerity became the keynote of Scottish life, both social and religious.
But having said all this, it is still possible that our particular branch of the McAlpines may have been one of the exceptions to the general rule. Even though it became virtually impossible for Roman Catholics to practise their religion in Scotland after 1560, many people especially in the Western Isles and the Highlands of Argyll, still clung to their faith as best they could. From 1619-1646 the Irish Franciscan Mission to Scotland ministered to these people under tremendous difficulties, with the result that great numbers rejoined the faith of their grandparents. They rushed for baptisms, confessions, communions, weddings and other consolations of the Church. Both Catherine Francis (McAlpine) Allen and Rev. Patrick McAlpine from Biloxi assured Walter Allen that the Catholic Church survived from Kintyre to the Hebrides and all the Western Isles, but not in the east. So, it is possible that our family line never really relinquished their adherence to the Catholic Church. This possibility could even be one of the factors that prompted them to emigrate to Ireland in 1792.
Picture for a moment now poor Mary Queen of Scots' predicament on her return to Scotland in August 1561. Her new husband, King Francois had died the previous December. A widow at eighteen, she was no longer Queen of France, but she was still titular Queen of Scotland and the rightful heir to the throne of England. Young, beautiful, light-hearted, high-spirited, highly-sexed, impulsive, French in education and outlook, and a Catholic, she came to claim her inheritance, now in the control of John Knox and his Reformists. Clearly the situation was fraught with the most explosive possibilities.
In 1565 she decided to marry her worthless cousin, Henry Steward-Lord Darnley, a not very intelligent, teenaged Catholic of notoriously bad character, four years younger than herself. They were married according to Roman Catholic rites - much to John Knox's displeasure, because he regarded Mary as his special charge - and Darnley was proclaimed King. They had not been married a year when Darnley became jealous of the influence of the Queen's Italian secretary, Riccio, and, with some friends, murdered him in her presence. This greatly distressed Mary, who was six months pregnant, and quite understandably, it also turned her against her husband. In 1567 came the news that Darnley's house near Edinburgh, where the Queen had sent him to convalesce from a distressing (some say disgraceful) disease, had been blown up and his body found amid the wreckage. On closer inspection, however, he proved to have been strangled.
No one ever discovered just who had murdered Darnley. But it was obvious to all that James Hepburn, fourth Earl of Bothwell, the Lord High Admiral, a bold, reckless Protestant of considerable charm, but of the most deplorable reputation, was heavily implicated. Eight weeks later, Mary married him according to the rites of the Protestant Church. Whatever its motivation, this further error of judgement alienated both Protestant and Catholics alike, and finally cost Mary her throne.
Within a month, the Protestant Lords raised an army on the pretext of saving the Queen from her new husband, and at Carberry Hill, took her from her followers. After being led, in a short red petticoat through the streets of Edinburgh amid derision, poor Mary, who was still only twenty-four, was, in June 1567, forced to abdicate in favour of her infant son, who was immediately crowned King as James VI of Scotland. The sermon on the occasion was preached by John Knox. Mary's Protestant half-brother, James Stewart, one of James V's more intelligent, if devious, bastards who had been made Earl of Moray, was now appointed Regent. He was, and remained, in close touch with the English court, especially with William Cecil.
After Carberry Hill, Mary was held in prison, but in 1568 she escaped in a boat, with the connivance of the Hamiltons, who had plans of their own for her. They helped her raise an army, but again she was defeated at Langside, this time by her half-brother, James Stewart, Earl of Moray. In desperation, in May 1568, she fled unarmed over the border into England, trusting to the promised protection of her cousin, Queen Elizabeth. Fat chance she had! Although Elizabeth, whose motto was 'strike or be stricken', was then the nominal Queen of England, the real ruler was William Cecil, perhaps the vilest of all the characters of the Reformation.
As soon as Mary entered England, she was of course in Cecil's power, and he was determined to kill her. He had her imprisoned immediately and, after nearly twenty years, had her beheaded on February 8, 1587. This tragedy meant the gradual absorption of Scotland as a nation. Mary's son and heir, James VI, was brought up a Calvanist under Cecil's influence, and was kept in the pay of Cecil's government. James shamefully acquiesced in the murder of his mother, and was rewarded by being introduced to the English throne on the death of Elizabeth in 1603, by Cecil's son Robert. He reigned as James I of England and James VI of Scotland, uniting the nations under one head and the Protestant religion. John Knox's brand of Calvanism was now triumphant in Scotland except for a few districts in the Highlands, particularly among the noble families. But, as we have seen, the Campbells of Argyll were among the first to espouse the cause of the Reformation, and they controlled the McAlpines of that time.
Other historical events possibly involving McAlpines who lived at the turn of the sixteenth century include certain demands made by Parliament in 1594 and 1597. In those two years Parliament demanded clan records to prove titles to land and cattle. As a consequence, all kinds of genealogies, some genuine and some artificial were created to justify ownership and holdings, often of stolen property. Some herd-keepers and crofters assumed the names of their lords, barons, etc., who controlled the land. This created many problems for present-day genealogists possibly including those working on the name McAlpine. Around the same time, a few family names were abandoned or became extinct. The MacGregor clan, for example, was proscribed by the Privy Council after its raid and massacre of the Colqhouns in Luss in 1603. As a result, some of its members assumed other names, including their ancestral name McAlpine. Anyone who retained the name MacGregor was placed under a death penalty, and even those who tried to help them were punished. A large number of them left their homeland in the region of Glenstrae and Glendocart for other parts of Scotland. Some of them emigrated to Ireland, England and America to avoid execution.
John Prebble, in Glencoe25, wrote as follows about this event:
"In the last terrible
extent of its power, the Crown could place a whole clan under proscription,
and this was done to the MacGregors, one of the earliest attempts at
genocide in modern history. In 1603 it was first enacted that no man,
under pain of death, might call himself MacGregor, nor his children
and his children's children unborn. If he did use that name, he could
be killed like a beast of the wayside, with all his lands and possessions
forfeit to his killers. An outlaw could win a pardon by coming before
the justices with the severed head of an obstinate MacGregor, and MacGregors
already under proscription were invited to atone for their past offenses
by murdering each other. Death was the sentence if more than four of
Clan MacGregor met together, if they possessed any weapon other than
a blunt knife to cut their meat, but only, said the Law in its clemency,
if they obstinately persisted in calling themselves MacGregor. Within
a year, thirty-six men of Clan Gregor were brought to trial and death,
and six hostages in the hands of the Government were hanged without
trial. Many others died in brutish killings, or of starvation, cold
and despair. Later acts dealt with the branding and transportation of
MacGregor women, and the Lords of the Privy Council discussed and finally
abandoned (after protest) a proposal to send all their children to Ireland.
Clan Gregor was driven from Glen Strae and Glen Lyon to a life of banditry
and bitter resistance on Rannoch Moor, and the land they once had held
was passed on to the Campbells of Glen Orchy who had been most active
in executing Letters of Fire and Sword upon them. Nearly two centuries
later the Penal Acts against Clan Gregor were still on the Statute Book.
It was during this period that some of the Clan Gregor took the name
McAlpine. In 1775 the penal statutes were lifted, and they were once
more allowed to use their own names."
Perhaps the most famous of the MacGregors who lived under the scourge of this penal statute was Rob Roy MacGregor-Campbell (born in 1670, died Dec. 31, 1734). He was the third son of Colonel Donald MacGregor of Glengyle, chieftain of the Gregorach clan Dougal Ciar (the sons of Brown Dougal). By the same token, Glengyle was patriarch of clan Alpine, the parent tribe of the great race of Gregor, and after he died in 1693, Rob moved up to take over his father's duties as leader and patriarch of the Gregorach. His mother was a sister of Captain Robert Campbell of Glenlyon, who was the officer in charge of the infamous Massacre of Glencoe, on February 13, 1692 (see pp.92-96), and when Wiliam of Orange's government re-introduced the proscription of the name MacGregor in 1693, Rob Roy chose the name of Campbell, despite its hated sound in MacGregor ears, in order to place himself in some measure of guardianship of the Campbell Earl of Breadalbane. Throughout his life, Rob Roy was a convinced Jacobite and was very much involved in the political turmoil of his day. He played a leadership role in all of the Jacobite risings of hi time. During the final three-month period of the Jacobite rising of 1715, he was perhaps the most active of any of the Jacobite commanders. In addition to being a cattle drover, he was the leader of the Glengyle Highland Watch, a semi-official body which, for a price, guaranteed the safety of all its clients and the protection of their herds from cattle thieves. Thus, Rob Roy probably knew, and was well known by, our McAlpine ancestors of his day. The best account of his adventurous life is that of Nigel Tranter49.
Another relevant historical item of this period was the "Scottish Implantation" in Ulster. The Tudor conquest of both Scotland and Ireland arose from the desire to make Protestant England safe in a Europe now divided by religion. As described above, the official Protestantisation of Scotland was accomplished by the union of Scotland and England crowns in 1603 under James VI, but Catholic Ireland had not yet been brought to heel. The "solution" decided upon was "plantation", i.e., take the land, which was the source of wealth and the base of power, from the Catholic Irish, and give it to Protestant immigrants. This would at once weaken the resistance to English rule and bring into being a Protestant community sufficiently numerous and sufficiently powerful "to keep the peace" in Ireland. If the Irish would not become Protestants, then Protestants must be brought to Ireland.
This was begun in 1609 under James VI's "Articles of Plantation". Much of the land was confiscated in the six counties of Armagh, Cavan, Coleraine, Donegal, Fermanagh, and Tyrone. In all, some 500,000 acres of "profitable land" was thrown open to settlers. English and Scottish "undertakers" were invited to take estates of 1000, 1500, or 2000 acres "to hold of the Crown in socage". These undertakers were to be "English, or inland Scots", and "civil men well effected in religion".
One such Scotsman who went to Ireland in 1615, was one James McAlpine, "a branch of the ancient clan McAlpine". According to Burke's History26, the possessions the McAlpine's obtained in County Tyrone in 1615 still remained in their family in 1896. During the early part of the eighteenth century, one of the most notable Presbyterian schools in Ireland was that of James McAlpine at Killyleagh.27 Obviously these McAlpine's were then and probably for some generations beforehand, Protestant in faith. One of the many descendants, Col. James McAlpine of Breandrum, eventually became owner of large holdings in County Mayo, where he served the office of High Sherriff in 1844. It is interesting to note that our first ancestors in Ireland, John Francis and Martin McAlpine, who emigrated to Mayo from Argyll in 1792, were tenants under this latter Col. James' jurisdiction (see Charts 4 and 5).
Certain events that occurred in 1685 and 1692 were instrumental in leaving us some information about twenty-five McAlpine men who lived in Argyll and adjoining regions at that time. These names are included in two lists: (1) List of rebels in Argyll Shyr and Tarbett Shyr; and (2) List of fencible men, 169228.
The first list relates to a rebellion that occurred in 1685. It was only one of many that occurred toward the end of Charles II reign - a period known as the Killing Time. When Charles II, son of Charles I, son of James VI (and I of England) died in 1685, he was succeeded by his brother James VII (and II of England) who was popular neither in the Lowlands of Scotland nor in England because he was a Roman Catholic. The majority of those in positions of power in Scotland, including the Campbells of Argyll, preferred a Protestant king. James' bastard nephew, James, Duke of Monmouth, landed in Dorset, England to unseat King James VII, and was supported in Scotland by Archibald Campbell, 9th Earl of Argyll. The latter raised some 3,000 Argyll men, including the nine McAlpines listed below. From all accounts it was a make-shift army, and it came to a miserable end. Monmouth was killed in the battle and Campbell was beheaded later. Of course, their followers were declared rebels and many of them were executed or otherwise "forfeited". The following McAlpines were included in the list. The crime that they committed was to answer the call of their chief, Archibald Campbell.
Ando Mcalpine, from Aird, Killean Paroch in (North) Kintyre,
John Mcalpine, from Ardna, Knapdeall Paroch in Argyll,
John Mcalpin, a weaver, from Ardna, Knapdeall Paroch in Argyll,
John Mcalpin, from Bardaroch, Knapdeall Paroch in Argyll,
Malcom Mcalpin, from Lechnaban, Knapdell Paroch in Argyll,
Malcom Mcalpine, from Oib, Knapdale Paroch in Argyll,
Gilbert Mcalpin, from Glasvar, Paroch of Kilmichael in Glassarie,
Neil McAlpin, from Giga in Kintyre,
Malcom Mcalpin, from Ballino, Kilmartin Paroch.
None of these can be positively linked with known members of our McAlpine lineage, but from the names and places, it seems probable that most, if not all, are of the same stock. When we compare these names with those of our known relatives who lived at the south end of Loch Awe (Chart 3), within the same decade, there are many similarities.
The second list relates to events that followed the deposition of King James VII and II in 1688, and his replacement by the Dutch Protestant, William of Orange, who was married to James VII's daughter Mary. William, a devious and unscrupulous usurper, actively encouraged opposition to his father-in-law's policies, because he, himself, had designs on James' throne. In November 1688, at the invitation of the Whig leaders in England, William of Orange landed in England with an army. James fled to France, and in February 1689, William and Mary were proclaimed King and Queen of England and Ireland. Two months later, they were also proclaimed King and Queen of Scotland.
There were those, however, in the Highlands who still remained true to their legitimate monarch, James VII and II; they became known as Jacobites. When William was proclaimed King, the Jacobites, under John Graham of Claverhouse, then Viscount of Dundee, raised the loyal clans for King James VII, who had now landed in Ireland. Following a savage battle against William's forces in late July 1689, first at Killiecrankie, Perthshire, and then in the churchyard at Dunkeld, the Highlanders faded ineffectually back into their hills and glens, minus their leader who had been killed at Killiecrankie. A fresh Jacobite attempt in the spring ended in disaster, and six weeks later, on July 1, 1690, the Battle of the Boyne in Ireland, put an end to James' Irish campaign and caused him to withdraw to France for good.
King William's government and particularly his Secretary of State, Sir John Dalrymple, was anxious to enforce the Crown's will in the Highlands. The First Earl of Breadalbane, Grey John Campbell, described by a contemporary as 'cunning as a fox, slippery as an eel', was provided English money to be distributed among the clan chiefs as a bribe to make them loyal to King William. Some accepted it and some did not, but none became any more loyal to William than they had been before. So, William's Secretary of State, Sir John Dalrymple, decided to adopt other tactics. "I think", wrote Dalrymple to Grey John Campbell, "the clan Donell (=Macdonalds) must be rooted out and Lochiel (=Cameron of Lochiel) ... I think we should root them out before they can get the help they depend upon". The next day he wrote to the same correspondent, "Look on, and you shall be gratified of your revenge". Seldom has the hereditary hatred of the Lowlander for the Highlander found more vigorous expression.
The government then issued a proclamation ordering the chiefs of the various clans to take an oath of allegiance to King William not later than January 1, 1692. Failing this, recourse would be had to fire and sword. "The winter time", wrote Dalrymple, "is the proper time to maul them in the long dark nights ... the only season we are sure they cannot escape." To the disappointment of Dalrymple, the scale of his butchery was reduced by King James VII. From his exile in France, he authorized the Highland chiefs to swear allegiance to his Dutch son-in-law, William of Orange. As a result, by the appointed date, only two chiefs had failed to take the oath, MacDonell of Glengarry and MacIan MacDonald of Glencoe. The latter, partly from dilatoriness and partly through bad weather, arrived late in Inverary, the seat of the Sheriff-deputy, where, owing to the absence of that officer, he was only able to take the oath on January 6.
This gave King William the opportunity for which he and his advisors were looking. At the instance of Dalrymple, he allowed the powerful McDonell of Glengary another chance. MacIan he picked as his victim. "If MacIan of Glencoe and that tribe", he wrote to his General commanding his troops in the Highlands, "can be well separated from the rest, it will be proper vindication of public justice to extirpate that sect of thieves."
And so two companies of trustworthy Campbell troops, from the Earl of Argyll's Regiment of Foot, commanded, as it happened, by a relative of MacIan by marriage, Captain Robert Campbell of Glenlyon, were sent to Glencoe and billeted in the cottages of the clansmen. The Macdonalds received them hospitably. Captain Campbell spent a couple of weeks eating, drinking and playing cards with MacIan and his sons, while his soldiers fraternized with the clansmen. Then, on February 12, Campbell received from his military superior, Major Duncanson, the following instructions: "You are hereby ordered to fall upon the Macdonalds of Glencoe and put all to the sword under seventy; you are to have a special care that the old fox and his sons doe on no account escape your hands".
That night, Robert Campbell and two of his officers accepted an invitation to dine with MacIan. At five in the morning of February 13, the same Robert Campbell and his troops started to carry out their instructions. Parties of soldiers went from cottage to cottage slaughtering the sleeping Macdonalds and setting fire to their houses. MacIan himself was shot by one of his dinner guests. As the Massacre of Glencoe proceeded, snow began to fall. Some of the inhabitants of the glen were able to escape in the confusion. Others died in the snow. Because of the bad publicity that followed this horrible affair, King William was forced to change his Secretary of State, Dalrymple. In due course, however, Dalrymple was rewarded with an Earldom, while Robert Campbell was promoted to colonel. King William, for his part, loftily disclaimed any previous knowledge of the affair.
Happily, no one bearing our name was associated with that "foul business". No McAlpines are included in the record of some one hundred and thirty-five men (two companies) who were under Captain Robert Campbell at the Massacre of Glencoe. However, the second list, dated May 12, 1692 and made out in terms of a proclamation calling out fencible men "for putting the Country in a posture of defense against an invasion of French and Irish Papists", includes sixteen McAlpines, as follows:
Dun : Mcalpen, from Clachandysart
Johne McCapin, from Kilmartin (same name listed in three places)
Malcolme McCapin, from Kilmartin (same name listed in three places)
Dougall mcalpin, from Over Shervin
Gilbert mcalpin ab: from Glesvar
John mcalpin, from Auchigdrom
John McCalpine, from Dunanes, Knapdale
John McCalpine, from Ob Campbell, Knapdale
Malcolme McCalpine, from Ob Campbell, Knapdale
Malcolme McCalpine, from Ardchoreine, Knapdale
John McCalpine, from Kilmorie, Knapdale
John McCalpin, from Ardnaw, Knapdale
Donald McCalpine, from Dunoristen
Dugald McAlpine, from Duppine, Saddell Paroch, Killean
John McAlpine, from Altgaltrichs, Inverchaolain
William McAlpine, from Glenkin, Inverchaolain
The first person on this list, "Dun. McAlpen", from Clachandysart, is almost certainly a relative of ours. Our earliest known direct ancestor lived at Clachandysart at this time, and a number of them bore the Christian name Duncan. This Dun. McAlpen may well be the son of either our ancestors Duncan McAlpin and Margeret NcCyrigvr or of Donald McAlpine and Caristin McNicoll (see Chart 4). Probably, the men who bore the remaining names are also relatives, but there is no way of proving it.
While the lack of records makes it impossible to trace these families back to the first appearance of the name in Argyll, it is certain that in many instances, the bearers of our surname must also share a common ancestor.29 Thus, in spite of our inability to establish any direct ancestors prior to the 1640's, the possibility still remains that we descended from the tangle of medieval McAlpines that existed in Argyll from King Kenneth's time onward. Somehow, our genealogical lineage, like our name, probably goes back to the Alpins of Dalriada, but unequivocal documentation, either for or against such an assumption, cannot be marshalled.
Oral family traditions and written records that have come down through about eleven generations of McAlpines take us back to the time period 1640-1675, and locate our earliest identifiable ancestors in the vicinity of Loch Awe, Argyll. Two "families" are involved, one at the south end of Loch Awe, and the other at the north end. Members of the south end family were close relatives of those at the north end and vice-versa, but the precise relationships are unknown.
As indicated in the Introduction, much of our information came down to us through four direct descendants of the north-end family, namely, Monsignor Patrick McAlpine (b. June 1, 1849, d. Nov. 1, 1932), Monsignor Patrick's brother, Martin (b. Nov. 11, 1843, d. Jan. 11, 1918), Martin's daughter, Catherine Frances (McAlpine) Allen (b. Sept. 30, 1876, d. Oct. 6, 1964), and Catherine Frances' son, Walter Martin Allen (b. July 21, 1918) (see Charts 5, 6 and 6C). Monsignor Patrick, in particular, had a special interest in tracing his family's genealogy. He is reputed to have prepared an extensive written account, but in spite of our best efforts to find such writings, none has come to light. Fortunately, his nieces, Catherine Frances and her sister, Ella Agnes (McAlpine) McElligott, had similar interests, and as early as 1910, Catherine Frances made notes on the information given to them by their uncle, Monsignor Patrick, and their father, Martin. Catherine Frances' son, Walter Allen, inherited the same interest in family genealogy, and often discussed his McAlpine lineage with his mother and his Aunt Nell (Ella Agnes (McAlpine) McElligott).
After his mother died, Walter engaged professional genealogical researchers in Scotland to obtain additional data on our early ancestors in Argyll. By combining data obtained from old Scottish testaments, sasines and other sources, with the information contained in the family archives, Walter and his late daughter, Mary Anne (Allen) Lipsman (b. Mar. 6, 1942 d. Aug.8, 1985) were able to provide nearly all the documentation shown in Charts 3 and 4. Over the years, Walter very generously made all this information available to me for incorporation into this account.
The earliest known McAlpine ancestor to whom our branch of the family can trace its origin is one Donald McAlpine (1) (d. Nov. 1676) who lived at Eadindonich, Clachandysart (= Glenorchy) near the north end of Loch Awe. (See Chart 4) Donald married Margeret NcCyrigor (d. May 1695), and they had at least three children, Duncan McAlpin (2) (d. Nov. 1683), Mary McAlpine (d. Nov. 1695), and Donald McAlpin who became a cattle drover at Drumlairt. The names of Donald's (1) parents are unknown, but family traditions and records indicate that either his parents or his paternal grandparents lived at the south end of Loch Awe. The names of five other descendants of the same south-end family are known (Chart 3), but their exact relationship to Donald (1) or to each other cannot be determined. They are probably brothers and sisters or first cousins of each other, and cousins of Donald (1). Donald (1) had a sister at Clachandysart who married someone by the name of Analjro, and they had at least one child recorded as Aquae NcAlpin. Donald (1) also had two brothers at the north end of Loch Awe: John McAlpin (d. Nov. 1676) who married Kathwin McOlborg and lived at Eadindonich, Clachandysart, (no children recorded), and Duncan McCalpane who married Dovine McJutyre; they lived at Cvenyom, Clachandysart, and had a daughter, Mary McCalpane. In addition, Donald (1) had two cousins who lived at Clachandysart. One was Mary McAlpine who married John McOnmie (no children recorded), and the other was another Donald McAlpine (d. Apr. 11, 1676) who married Caristin McNicoll; they lived at Craig, Clachandysart. Mary was probably a sister of this latter Donald (d. Apr. 11, 1676). For some unknown reason, her husband, John McOnmie, was a benefactor named in Donald McAlpin's (1) will. The other Donald (d. Apr. 11, 1676) and Caristin had one son, Duncan McAlpin who married Doratie McIntyre (d. May 1695), they also lived at Craig, Clachandysart and had one daughter recorded as Mary McCalpane.
Donald (1) and Margeret McAlpin's two oldest children, Duncan (2) (d. Nov 1683) and Mary (d. Nov. 1685), married Katharin McBean and Patrick McBean (probably sister and brother), respectively, and both couples lived at Tullich, Clachandysart. Donald, the third member of Donald and Margeret's family, became a cattle drover at Drumlairt. He was probably married for he raised his nephew Donald's (3) family (see below), but we do not know his wife's name.
This is perhaps the most appropriate time to say something about Loch Awe, the birthplace of our first identifiable McAlpine ancestors. Loch Awe lies in Glen Orchy, the valley of the Orchy River, in the District of Argyll. It is about ten miles northwest of Loch Fyne, near the southern fringes of the Scottish Highlands, and is one of the most historical areas of the Highlands. In the words of Prebble, 1984, pp. 50-5321,
"Loch Awe is in the center
of Argyll, and Argyll was the generative spirit of Scotland. It is also
the dead heart of the old Gaidhealtachd, and of the Stone, Iron and
Bronze Age settlements which were here before the three sons of Erc,
High King of Dalriada, grounded their galleys on the coast of Knapdale
and agreed to their new conquest equally. The name, Argyll, maintains
the claim of its founding warriors from the southwest, "earr a'
Gadheal", the boundary of the Gael - a boundary they held and lost,
then took again in three warring centuries before Kenneth the Hardy,
son of Alpin the Scot and the descendant of the forty tribal princes,
merged his people and the Picts into one Kingdom of Albainn, the land
of the Scots".
It was here that St. Mundus came with Columcille's blessing. In addition to being the traditional home territory of Siol McAlpin, it was home to larger clans such as Macdonalds, Macdougals, MacGregors, MacLean, Stewarts, Camerons, Grants and Campbells. As pointed out earlier, Clan MacAlpin, as a clan, was never very large, and from the fifteenth century onward, its adherents seem to have been subjugates of Clan Campbell.
A vivid conception of the nature of the people and the conditions of life in Argyll at this time can be gained from the writings of John Prebble. The following remarks are drawn from his works, especially Prebble, 196630:
"In 1699, William Sacheverell, one-time governor of the Isle of Man, made a voyage to Iona and the western Highlands, and published his impressions for the diversion of England and the Lowlands. I thought myself (he said) entering upon a new scene of nature, but nature tough and unpolished, and if I may be allowed the expression, in her undress. I generally observed the men to be large-bodied, stout, subtle, active, patient of cold and hunger. There appeared in all their actions a certain generous air of freedom and contempt for those trifles, luxury and ambition, which we so servilely creep after. They bound their appetites by their necessities, and their happiness consists not in having much but in coveting little. The women seemed to have the same sentiments with the men; though their habits were mean, and they had not our sort of breeding, yet in many of them was a natural beauty and graceful modesty which never fails of attracting. The usual habit of both sexes is the plaid; the women's much finer, the colours more lively, and the squares larger than the men's, and put me in mind of the ancient Picts. The men wear theirs after another manner, flowing, like the mantles our painters give their heroes. Their thighs are bare with brawny muscles. Nature has drawn all her strokes bold and masterly. What is covered is only adapted to necessity, a thin brogue on the foot, a short buskin of various colours on the legs, tied above the calf with a striped pair of garters. What should be concealed is hid with a large shot-pouch, on each side of which hangs a pistol and a dagger, as if they found it necessary to keep those parts well guarded. A round target on their backs, a blue bonnet on their heads, in one hand a broadsword, and a musket in the other. Perhaps no nation goes better armed, and I assure you they will handle them with bravery and dexterity, especially the sword and target (said Sacheverell).
However impressed Sacheverell and other Southerners were by the carriage of Highland men and the grace of the women, they were usually disgusted by the houses in which there heroic figures lived, comparing them to cow-byres, to dung-hills, and the earthen dens of wild animals. Crouching together on the slopes of the hills, the cottages appeared to be some strange fungoid growth, smoking with sickly heat. But they were built against the weather. Their thick dry-stone walls were less than the height of an average man, and above them was raised a roof-tree covered with divots of earth and thatch held down against the wind by roped stones. Inside were comfort and protection for men, women, children, and animals. Windows where they existed were glassless. A central hole in the roof or at one gable, sucked up the draft for an open fire. Peat-smoke thickened the air, blackened men and cattle. Each house was an expression of the people's unity and interdependence. Each was built by all the township in one day. As the stones were passed from hand to hand, the timber raised, and the divots laid, the workers sang and told tales. At sunset the house was blessed, as much by sweat as by appeals to the saints or by charms placed by its door. A Highlander's home was made from his land, and was the foundation of his spiritual strength. 'To your roof tree!' he said, wishing a man well. And the houses endured longer than the people, mute, eyeless and open to the sky.
In winter the life of the people swung between gluttonous excess and bitter privation. Some season they existed on little more than the herrings that hung in golden rows beneath the roof trees, cured by the smoke of their fires. Every spring, and again in July and August, shoals of herring shimmered in the lochs. The days of fishing were a time of cautious amity and carefully chosen words, for if there was a quarrel in which blood was drawn, the herring would turn away in disgust and return to the open sea. Each township farmed its land in strips, growing oats, barley and kail. The sheep were small, dog-like animals, giving milk and scanty fleece. There were ill-tempered, ranging goats on the braes, and chickens roosting in the roof timbers at night. There were horses, short close-coupled garrons, dun-coloured and sure of foot, with heads of gentle beauty. And there were grey deer-hounds tracing their ancestry back to the hunting dogs of Fingall.
But the real economy in the Highlands was cattle, short, black, animals with shaggy hair, melancholy eyes and fearsome horns. A cattle economy determined the people's lives and enriched their oral culture. The herding of cattle or the stealing of cattle kept the young men alert and healthy, training them for war and nurturing endurance and guile. At the beginning of the 17th century the Privy Council of Scotland, seeking some way of breaking the iron dependence of the Gael, recognized that cattle were an indication of a Highlander's power and influence. It ordered that all men in the Highlands who owned sixty cows or more should send their people south, there to be taught the reading and writing of English. The clans paid no more attention to this than they did to other orders from the Privy Council.
In winter the cattle were close-herded on the meadows near the townships. By spring those that had not been slaughtered were little more than skeletons and often unable to rise from the ground. But they recovered quickly, and their beef became sweet and tender. In summer the cattle were driven out to the slopes and glens for grazing. There, men and women lived in the "shielings", huts which their ancestors had built and which were repaired each summer. Shieling life was the happiest time of the year for the Highlanders. Women and girls sat before the turf huts making butter and cheese, spinning and singing, while the men watched the cattle or drove them south for sale. Young men hunted and fished and went on forays. They ranged far on these robber raids, armed with sword and dirk, round shield and musket, and they sang braggart songs about themselves. The animals they stole were driven back and hidden. Young boys waited impatiently for manhood to begin, for the time when, at age eight or nine or ten, they would be allowed to wear bonnet, shoes, and hose. During the summer months they attended simple military schools in the open, learning how to use bow and musket, to carry bull-hide shield studded with metal, practising cut and parry, first with wooden sticks, then with the broad, basket-hilted swords of their fathers.
During the evenings the people danced and sang and told tales. They listened to the pipers and to many poets, enriching their spirits and refreshing their hearts. Though they commonly drank ale, whisky was the fierce inspiration of good fellowship. They made it from corn, and Martin of Skye who wrote an account of his people at the end of the 17th century warned all simple Southerners against it. "There was", he said, "one kind of whisky that was three times distilled and this was most powerful. At the first taste it affects all members of the body; two spoonfuls is a sufficient dose, and if any man exceed this it would presently stop his breath and endanger his life."
Drinking was not self-indulgence, though it could last from sunset until dawn. Drinking gave no pleasure unless it were accompanied by songs and story-telling, and a good companion's ability to hold his liquor was matched by his power to entertain. But there was no love for a temperate man. "Among persons of distinction", said Martin, "it was reckoned an affront to put upon any company to broach a piece of wine, ale or aquavitae and not see it all drunk out at one meeting."
Among a people depending upon memory and oral traditions for the history and self respect, the Orator, and the Bard of the clan were men of almost mystical importance. In their heads they preserved the genealogy of the chief, repeating it in rolling cadences or involved rhyme at births, marriages, and deaths.
Superstition was woven intricately
into the practical life of the Highlanders. They believed in moon-struck
men who suddenly acquired lunatic powers, and in the great black cats
that gathered to plot mischief on All Hallows Eve. Sporting in the hills
were malevolent goblins, and by certain willows and oaks were kindly
fairies. If disaster was coming, cows broke from pasture and ran up
the brae, bellowing mournfully, and the voices of men who were to die
were heard crying in the darkness outside, even though their bodies
were there by the fire. There were trout in the river that could dry
up the milk of a cow, and there were men and women with the Evil Eye
who could wither corn or shrivel a woman's womb. There were men who
could see through earth and space and say with truth what was happening
that moment beyond the mountains. There was the Oracle who could boil
the mutton from a shoulder blade and read the future in the markings
on the clean bone. Men who wished to know more of the future would wrap
the Oracle in cow's hide, covering all but his head, and leave him in
the open for the night, during which his friends from the past and from
the worlds beyond the world came to him, and sat about him answering
his questions."
Throughout the seventeenth century most of the people of the Highlands were nominally Catholic and they spoke "Irish". Such were some of the traditions of our McAlpine ancestors in Argyll.
Donald McAlpin's (1) son, Duncan McAlpin (2) who married Katharin McBean, is our second oldest known direct ancestor. He was a crofter, at Tullich, Clachandysart. Like his sister Mary, he seems to have died relatively young, only seven years after his father's death. He and his wife had three children, Donald (3) (d. May 1718), Duncan (d. May 1718), and Margaret, all of whose surnames are recorded as McAlpine. Nothing more is known about Margaret. Both Donald (3) and Duncan became cattle drovers. Donald (3), our direct ancestor, was married and lived at Glenorchy (=Clachandysart), but we do not have any information about his wife. Duncan lived near Perth at Glenogle, Loch Earn, but it is uncertain if he was married or not. While still relatively young men, both Donald and Duncan were robbed of 1200 merks and murdered near Locherkek in May, 1718, while on cattle-drove business (see p. 110). The precise site of the murder was at Loch Arkaig in the middle of lands of Cameron of Locheil. Just north was Macdonnel of Glen Garry, and south was MacDonald of Glen Coe. Loch Arkaig is in Southwest Inverness Parish, not the town of Inverness. At the time of his death, Donald had two, and possibly three, sons: Grigor, Duncan and Patrick. Grigor and Duncan were named in their father's will, but Patrick was not. For that reason, there is some doubt about Patrick being a full brother of Grigor and Duncan. Following the father's tragic demise, his family was raised by his uncle, Donald the cattle drover at Drumlairt. This is proven by testaments found in Edinburgh. Walter Allen also informed me that, based on notes and events handed down through the family, Donald participated in the Jacobite rebellion of 1715. If so, he must have been one of the 500 Breadalbane men led by John Campbell, son and heir of Robert Campbell, Fifth Earl of Glenlyon, who carried out the Massacre of Glencoe. Before dealing with the murder of Donald and Duncan, it is necessary to provide some background information on the 1715 uprising and an explanation of how Donald came to be fighting for the Jacobite cause.
By the time William of Orange died in 1702 and was succeeded by his sister-in-law Anne (daughter of James VII and II, and sister of William's wife Mary), Scotland's hatred for England had reached new heights. Although Anne had seventeen children, none of them had survived. Thus the legal heir to both the English and Scottish thrones was James Edward, son of James VII and II. Unlike his half-sisters, Mary and Anne, he was a Roman Catholic, and, therefore, unacceptable to the Whig statesmen now in power in England. So, in 1701, they had an Act of Settlement passed through the English Parliament designed to ensure that on Anne's death, the English crown should not go to James Edward, but to a German princess, the Electress of Sophia of Hanover, a grand-daughter through the female line of James VI and I. At the same time feelers were put out for the union of Scotland with England to ensure against a Stuart restoration in Scotland. This annoyed the Scottish Parliament, so it in turn, passed an Act of Security in 1704 which provided that the Scottish Parliament should name the successor to the throne of Scotland. This successor was to be a Protestant descendant of the House of Stuart, but was not to be the occupant of the English throne. This action aroused great indignation in England, and in March 1705, the English Parliament responded with the Aliens Act. Under that act, all Scotsmen were to be treated as aliens, especially for trading purposes, unless Scotland accepted the Hanoverian succession. War seemed imminent, and to avoid it, John Campbell, second Duke of Argyll, was commissioned in October 1706 by Queen Anne to persuade the Scottish Parliament to enter into negotiations for a Treaty of Union between the two countries. The Jacobites totally rejected the Treaty, but by January 1707 it was passed by the Scottish Parliament. Of course it met no opposition in the English Parliament, and on March 6, it received Royal assent. Thus, Scotland was deprived of her sovereignty. "We were bought and sold", sang the Jacobites, "by English gold", and they were not far wrong.
In fact, bribes were paid to all the lords who would accept them to vote for the union and now it was Scotland's turn to do the paying. Trade was taken away, goods had to be carried overseas only in English ships, laws blatantly discriminating against the Scots were passed and new taxes were imposed. When the Scots objected to a new Linen Tax being forced on them, English Secretary of State, Harley, said in the House of Commons: "Have we not bought the Scots, and did we not acquire the right to tax them?"
Soon discontent with the Union permeated all classes and all parts of Scotland, and rumours of a Jacobite coup gathered momentum. On Queen Anne's death in 1714, George of Hanover, son of Electress Sophia (who had also died just previous to her cousin Anne), was publicly proclaimed King in Edinburgh on August 5, 1714.
In the summer of 1715, the legal heir, James Edward (James VIII and III), now twenty-seven, wrote from France to his friend John Erskine, sixth Earl of Mar (known to his contemporaries as Bobbing John), calling on him to raise the Clans without delay. Bobbing John was one of the signatories of the Treaty of Union and had hastened to declare himself the "faithful and dutiful subject and servant" of King George. But he was disappointed with George's cool response and quickly became a zealous Jacobite. He arrived in Scotland from England in August and on September 6, 1715, he publicly proclaimed James VIII and III as King, and declared that the Treaty of Union had been a blunder. At first the Jacobite rising that followed prospered, but in the end they were defeated at the hands of the Campbells of Argyll under Red John Campbell supported by reinforcements from Holland. James Edward and Bobbing John slipped away to France, leaving a message for the Jacobite Highlanders to fend for themselves. Their leaders were executed, their titles and estates forfeited, and hundreds of their followers were banished to the American plantations for their adherence to Prince James' cause.
The remarkable aspect of this episode is that Donald McAlpine fought on the side of the Jacobites, beside the Glencoe Macdonalds, and was led by John Campbell, the son of Robert Campbell, fifth Laird of Glenlyon, who carried out the Massacre of Glencoe. How could so many seeming contradictions be true? Well, according to Prebble, 196625 it came about as follows:
Old Gray John Campbell, First Earl of Breadalbane, from Glenorchy always coveted the leadership of Clan Campbell, whose politics and policies were traditionally aligned with the Lowlands and England. But as the Campbell house of Argyll rose, so Breadalbane house sank. Gray John could never reconcile himself to this, and his bitterness released the latent Jacobitism that was behind almost all his public actions. He sympathized with the Jacobite Rising of 1715, and although he did not go himself (he was eighty years old), he allowed his people to go under the leadership of John Campbell, who had inherited the unredeemable "curse of Glencoe". It may have been this curse that made John a devoted Jacobite, as if by such selfless service he could somehow repay the debt of his father. In any event, in 1715 he led Donald McAlpine and 499 other Beadalbane - Glenlyon men on a raid into Argyll. There he was opposed by Campbell levies under Archibald Campbell of Fonab, his father's last friend. They decided that, whatever the cause, Campbell should not fight Campbell, so they shook hands and walked away. Later at the battle of Sherrifmuir, John and his regiment were brigaded with the Macdonalds. Strange as it may seem, under this strange alliance, they too reconciled, and Macdonald and Campbell charged together. After the failure of the uprising, Donald McAlpine returned home. John Campbell went into exile until the influence of Archibald Campbell, second Duke of Argyll and another Campbell, the second Earl of Breadalbane, secured him a pardon.
Returning now to the murder of Donald and Duncan McAlpin, some details about it are recorded in a letter, written at Taymouth, June 23, 1718, by the twelfth Earl of Breadalbane, a Campbell, to George I, then King of England and Scotland, as follows:
"I had the honour of yr Gr/s from Patrick Strachen, who thinks he will make us all easie about stealing. I wish it may be so, for it is high time some caire be taken.
I am to give yr Gr/ ane account of a most barbarous action hardly the like ever done in the Highlands.
About a month agoe two sons of a tennent of mine in Glenorchy, both of them McAlpens, (Donald our ancestor, and his brother Duncan) one of them a tennent of yr Gr/ in Glenogle, were drovers and had 1200 mk going to the North Isles to buy cows, and lay a night in Lochiell's (Sir Ewen Cameron, chief of Clan Cameron) ground at the head of Locharkek, and next morning were to pass a hill which is pairt of Knodeart, Glengerrie's land, and part of Lochiell's, going to Glenelg, but it seems have been there murdered, for no account of them has been any furder, and their father (actually their uncle, Donald McAlpin from Drumlairt) traced them to that night's quarter. I have sent their father (actually their uncle) back to that country with letters to the Gentlemen there to use all means possible to finde the actors. I doubt not but yr Gr/ will also writt to Glengerie about it.
If we were in the saime circumstances we were some years ago, I could have venturd to send there, and done myself justice, or at least obliged them to doe it, which, as being their neighbour, I was capable to doe, Butt as the law now stands I know not what I can doe. To suffer such things was never our way. To send and take redress is not legal as its thought, though it be against murderers.
Yr Gr/ will consider this affair, that we may take joint measures to follow it.
Yr Gr/s man was a change keeper I think in Glenogle, and no doubt yr Gr/ has got the account of it. I wrote to the principal men of Camrons and McDonalds; it is one of their names has done it, and if we follow nott this, more trouble may follow.
This is a Trade they are not troubled with, nor much concerned at Court about.
The bearer, a tenant of mine, and a tenant in Fernan, a very honest man, has a tack from Lady Strowan not expired, and is like to be turned out by some of Drumcharie's folk pershewing him at Perth. I know not who are managers there, but I think no body yet has power. I am in all respect Yr Gr/s most ob't humble servant.
Breadalbane"31
Since the McAlpin brothers were from Campbell country it is possible that their murder was in some way a settling of accounts for the "foul deed" so ruthlessly carried out some twenty-six years earlier by the Campbells when they slaughtered their host the Macdonalds at the Massacre of Glencoe (Feb. 13, 1692). No doubt, the relatively large amount of money (1200 Scottish merks) they were carrying in traditional enemy territory was also a strong incentive to secretly dispose of them.
As young men, Donald's sons, Grigor, Duncan and Patrick, worked as cattle drovers. For a time, Grigor and Patrick, at least, moved to Perth then to Falkirk, two famous cattle tryst centres. Later, they moved to Nairn where Grigor remained. Patrick became a farmer in the Gaularig area of Banff. He was a member of the Jacobite forces in the 1745-46 uprising, and is listed in "Prisoners of 45". A James Brown reported that Patrick was an Ensign. Fortunately, he survived the battle at Culloden Moor and returned home.
Grigor's brother, Duncan (b.+1708-10), is our direct ancestor (4). Between 1754 and 1760 he and his family moved south from Glenorchy (=Clachandysart) to Craleckan Farm, at Furnace, near Inverary on Loch Fyne. Here, family and other records indicate he was an ironmonger at Argyll Furnace (also see the book "Lockfineside"). According to David Dobson (in letter of Dec. 3, 1980), Furnace is of special interest to industrial archaeologists in Scotland as it is the site of an attempt to smelt iron on a commercial basis by using timber, just prior to Abram Derby's coal-using process. Duncan, then, was probably a relatively highly specialized ironmonger.
Since cattle-droving was such a common occupation among our ancestors in Argyll, some highlights on their way of life are of interest. Prebble, 198421, has this to say:
"According to Robert Lewis
Stevenson, the drovers lived on ewe's milk, cheese and bannocks. Perhaps
they did in his youth, but a century earlier Thomas Pennant said they
ate oatmeal and onions mixed with blood drawn from a living steer. They
were unwashed, bearded and unshorn. They wore homespun tweeds, coarse
brown plaids, and dark bonnets of knitted wool. After the passing of
the Disarming Acts, when other Highlanders were forbidden weapons, they
were given licences to carry sword and dirk, pistols and muskets, to
protect themselves and their herds. Like the cowmen of the American
West, they were stubbornly independent, offering their skill, experience
and courage for the period of the drive only. They were landless men,
without clan allegiance or pride, except in quarrelsome drink. When
their services were not needed they were often despised and abused,
and where they appear briefly in Scottish fiction they are presented
as furtive and suspicious animals. Yet they were entrusted with their
employer's annual income in a land where cattle-thieving was an essential
way of life. They drove the black cattle southward to the Lowlands over
a network of drove roads resembling one-quarter of a spider's web, and
arrived in the Lowlands in August, September and October. At the height
of the droving-trade near the close of the eighteenth century more than
160,000 animals were annually gathered and sold on Stenhousemuire, a
famous cattle-tryst two miles north of Falkirk. Perth was an even larger
cattle-tryst. The Tuesday sales were busy, noisy and good-humoured,
the moor dark with long-horned cattle and lines of carts and gigs. At
dusk the light of naptha flames glowed inside tents of bankers, booths
of ale-sellers, tavern-masters and fairground entertainers. The long
history of Highland droving lasted from about 1200 to 1849, when for
the first time sheep outnumbered the black cattle brought to the tryst."
Our ancestor, Duncan McAlpin (4), was married twice. According to Walter Allen's records, his first wife was a McAlister. She may have been a sister of Archibald McAlister of Tayvalich listed as one of the Knapdale tenants32 for they named their third son Archibald. The family records indicate they had four children, John (McAlister) McAlpine, James (McAlister) McAlpine, Archibald (McAlister) McAlpine, and Effrick McAlpine (b.1736). Their mother must have had a strong influence in the family, because for a time, all three boys assumed her maiden name (see below), and none of them was named after their paternal parents or grandparents. His second marriage was to Tibby McArthur (b.+1715), but this seems to have been relatively late in life for there are no children recorded from that marriage.
A handwritten List of People upon the Argyll Estate, 1779, (probably the earliest known Scottish census33) compiled by order of John Campbell, Fifth Duke of Argyll, was largely completed in 1779. It includes the following list of the twelve inhabitants of Craleckan Farm at that time:
Age Men Women Children
Peter McArthur 25 1
Jean McArthur his sister 20 1
Duncan McAlpin 66 1
Tibby McArthur his wife 64 1
Archibald McCugan 36
Mary McArthur his wife 34 1
Duncan McCugan 6 1
John McCugan their children 4 1
Martha McCugan 11 1
Mary McCugan 7 1
John McArthur 64 1
Mary Campbell 35 1
This shows that Duncan McAlpin's second marriage occurred prior to 1779, and that they had no children from that marriage. According to the Preface for the printed version of the list, the ages given are "largely a matter of guesswork especially for the older adults", and therefore unreliable. From what we know about Duncan's first family, i.e., the participation of John, James, and Archibald in the Battle of Falkirk on Jan. 15, 1746, (see below) it would seem that Duncan was somewhat older than 66 in 1779.
From the composition of the community at Craleckan in 1779, it is clear there was a very close relationship between the McAlpine's and the McArthurs at that time. This makes me wonder if perhaps the Peter McArthur recorded there at that time is the ancestor of the Canadian writer, Peter Gilchrist McArthur (b. March 10, 1866, d. Oct 28, 1924). If so, it would explain why the latter wrote about how Neil McAlpine, a pioneer patriot of Fingal Ontario, saved the Talbot Settlement from possible famine (Appendix ). The fact that the father of Peter Gilchrist McArthur is also a Peter McArthur, born in 1809 at Shipness, Loch Fyne, just a few miles from Craleckan Farmlands gives credence to this possibility. I have never been able to relate this Neil McAlpine, known to his contemporaries as Captain Storms, to our line of McAlpines. Nevertheless, it remains a good possibility.
Effrick was the youngest in Duncan's family and has the fewest complicating factors, so I will deal with her first. She married Martin McBean and they lived at Kilmun, South Argyll. All that is now known about them, is that they had at least two children, Sarah (b.+1768) and John (b.+1770). These details are also contained in John Campbell's List of People upon the Argyle Estate, 1779.
Before proceeding it is necessary to explain the association of the name McAlister (also recorded as McAlester and MacAlaster) with Duncan's sons John, James and Archibald. According to information handed down by Monsignor Patrick McAlpine, and included in Catherine Frances (McAlpine) Allen's notes, all three brothers took part in Bonnie Prince Charlie's struggle to restore his father's James VIII and James III, to the Scottish throne during the winter of 1745-6. James and Archibald must still have been in their teens at that time, but family tradition holds that they were involved with the Jacobite forces, probably unofficially, for only a short time. Their older brother John was, however officially involved, and for a longer period. In fact, he was a secretary to Lord George Murray, the general commander of the Jacobite army. The two younger brothers joined the Jacobite forces at Falkirk, shortly before the Battle of Falkirk, Jan. 15, 1746, where Murray attacked and defeated the British army under the English cavalryman, Henry Hawley. As was frequently done in such circumstances (see Prisoners of the Forty-Five, p. 26453) all three McAlpine brothers used a false surname (i.e., their mother's surname, McAlister) possibly to conceal their family identity.
Some remarks from a letter34 written by Lord George Murray at Falkirk on the night of Jan. 31, 1746, to his wife confirm this change of name and raises an interesting possibility concerning John's subsequent disappearance from the family records. General Murray wrote as follows:
"John MacAlaster (sic)
is not only a thief, but has run off. My Secretary is a little picaro,
at least I believe so."
At that point in the Jacobite campaign, many of the Highlanders had had their fill of the war, and the cold weather, and were returning to their homes (see Duke 1927, p. 15134). Perhaps John, also, had had enough; but conceivably, he may have decided simply to take his young brothers home. Before leaving, however, he helped himself to some food from the general supplies to sustain them on the long walk back to Craleckan Farm - a perfectly sensible thing to do. Unfortunately, by leaving in this manner he, because of his position, became a defector. As such, he probably found it expedient to flee the country. The closest and safest place to flee to was Ireland, where many of his compatriots also went at this time. In any event, John disappeared from our family records from that time onward (but see pp. 124-125 and Chapter 9).
Some background to describe the events leading up to and during the Jacobite uprising of 1745-46, and to explain how the McAlpines came to be involved in it, is necessary at this point.
In 1727 George II succeeded George I, but relations between Scotland and England showed no signs of improvement. Executive power resided with the Campbells of Argyle or with Duncan Forbes, the Lord Advocate, at Culloden. Friction of one kind or another was constant. By 1742 a British army, which included the newly raised Scottish Black Watch, was fighting in the Netherlands, and once again there was hope that a Jacobite rising might get the active support of powerful allies in Europe, especially France. As a potential leader, the Jacobites had Prince Charles Edward, the eldest son of James VIII and III. In January 1744 the French were planning to invade England and Charles Edward, a young man of energy, courage and personal magnetism was more than ready to fight for his Scottish rights and those of his house. The French invasion fizzled, but Charles took bold action on his own part. He landed with seven supporters on August 7, 1745 at the Island of Eriskay in the Outer Hebrides. He was able to ralley the support of a number of Highland clans, and on August 19, in Glenfinnan, before some nine hundred assembled Camerons and Macdonalds, the standard was raised and James VIII and III was proclaimed King.
From Glenfinnan the Prince boldly set out for Edinburgh, gathering supporters, and capturing town after town. By mid September, he and his Highlanders gained control of Edinburgh. In October Charles put his strength at eight thousand men and three hundred horses. His lieutenant-general was Lord George Murray, son of John Murray, the first Duke of Atholl, a staunch Jacobite and a brave mercenary - really the only able tactition in the Prince's service.
Charles' best hopes for success lay in boldness, so at the beginning of November, he crossed the border and started an advance on London. He met little resistance and by the beginning of December he was only 130 miles from London. But his advisers, led by Lord George Murray, saw the obvious dangers of advancing further, and decided to withdraw to the Highlands. By December 20 they were back on Scottish soil. They continued northward, advancing on Stirling with seven or eight thousand men. On January 15, 1746, he met the English Major, General Henry Hawley, with a larger force of Government troops at Falkirk. Again the shock tactics of the Highlanders put Government regulars to flight, but instead of following up on his advantage, Charles moved back to wait for spring. Frustration and inactivity sapped the moral of the Highlanders, and, as noted above, their numbers dwindled.
It was at this time that John (McAlister) McAlpine, Secretary to Lord George Murray, decided to return home with his two young brothers, James and Archibald, who had joined him at the Battle of Falkirk. That decision probably saved their lives, for at the Battle of Culloden Moor on April 16, 1746 the Jacobite army was virtually wiped out by superior Government forces under William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland (third son of King George II and cousin of Prince Charles).
All the time the English Government had been bringing back more and more hardened troops from Flanders. These were sent to Scotland and assembled at Aberdeen under Cumberland, who spent six weeks in careful preparation. In April, 1746, Charles learned that Cumberland, with a well-armed, well-trained, and above all a well-fed and well-rested army twice the size of his own was advancing on him. Charles gathered his remaining five thousand, hungry, ill-equipped and exhausted Highlanders on a bleak moor above Culloden House to meet the plump young Duke of Cumberland. Major General Hawley was there that day too, seeking retribution for the defeat he suffered on January 15 at Falkirk, and among his staff was Brevor-Major James Wolfe, a sickly young man who would later become a British hero on the Plains of Abraham at Quebec (September 13, 1759).
According to Charles' muster-master, Patullo, there were less than five thousand men of the Jacobite army on the field, many of whom were young boys. "They were", said an Englishman, "perfect hurd boys, without arms, stockings or shoes, about fourteen to sixteen years of age." One boy, Murdoch MacLoed, age fifteen and a pupil at Grammar School in Inverness, came there that morning on a sudden impulse for adventure. He armed himself with a broadsword, dirk, and pistol, and walked down the lines seeking men of his name with whom he might stand.
Two other men who stood among the Jacobite forces that day were Donald and Patrick McAlpine. Donald was killed, but by some miracle Patrick survived (see below).
The Battle of Culloden Moor which followed, marked the final settling of accounts and the death blow to the ancient Highland way of life. One of the best accounts of this bloody event is from Prebble25 who wrote:
"The whole melacholy affair
was a confusion of politics and religion, tribal loyalties and clan
jealousies. Brother fought brother because of disagreements over the
Act of Union, and co-religionists took arms in opposition because of
their preference for this and/or that. The English were involved as
the principal military force and the parliament of the kingdom, because
it represented the Law in challenge; but the Scots engaged themselves
in a bitter civil war over a young man whose grandfather (James VII
and II) had been king sixty years before. "Honour, even Highland
honour, was capable of cunning interpretation as fathers stayed at home
and sent one son to fight for King George and the other for King James,
thereby securing their estates whatever happened."
Traditionally the Campbells of Argyll were Protestant Royalists, and of course they and their compatriots were well represented in King George's army. On the other hand, John Campbell, the Laird of Glenlyon, also in Argyll, (the son and heir of Robert Campbell who led the massacre of the Macdonalds of Glencoe) for reasons explained above (p. 107) was partially aligned with the Jacobites. He had taken 500 Breadalbane men, including a number of McAlpines to the Jacobite army in 1715. Now in Charlie's year, at the age of 70, he joined with the Macdonalds and risked all by declaring once again for the Stuarts. His oldest son, John, was a captain in King George's Black Watch Regiment, while his younger son, Archibald, then only 15, took the Glenlyon tenants, including several McAlpines, to Charles Edward. After the battle John Sr. hid in the woods where he died of exposure and privation, but both his sons survived.
The famous battle lasted but 25 minutes, and in some ways it was less tragic than the retributions that followed. King George II's superior army under the Duke of Cumberland completely overwhelmed the Jacobite army. Two days after the battle, Cumberland, sometimes referred to as "the obese butcher", ordered a captain and fifty foot soldiers "to march directly and visit all the cottages in the neighbourhood of the battle, to search for rebels, and to give them no quarter." These Royalist execution squads marched first to Drummossie Moor to finish the agony of those not already dead on the battlefield. Their remorseless executions went on in that area for two days, and then continued for nearly four months throughout the Highland Glens from the eastern to the western extremities of Scotland.
During this "Harrying of the Glens" the estates of all the rebel chiefs were burned, their men, women and children murdered, tortured, and raped, their goods robbed plundered and destroyed, and their cattle driven off to the Lowlands. Despite all of the Royalist harryings, burnings, killings and hangings, however, they never had the satisfaction of capturing red-haired Charlie. On Sept. 24, 1746, he escaped to France in a French sailing vessel that rescued him from the shores of Loch nan Uamh on the west coast of Scotland.
Some reports put the number of Rebels killed at Drummossie at 2000, which would be nearly half the number engaged. Prebble (1961, p. 11230, stated, "The figure was certainly not less than 1200, which is the most modest figure." The same author tabulated the disposal of the 3,471 prisoners taken, as follows:
Executed 120
Transported 936
Banished 222
Died in prison 88
Escaped from prison 58
Conditional pardon 76
Released or exchanged 1287
Disposal unknown 684
Listed among the "Prisoners of the Forty-Five53" are two McAlpines as follows:
"No. 1698, McAlpin Donald, Duke of Perth's Regiment, age 50, probably died.", and
"Pat'k McAlpin, Gaulurg
(= Gaularig area, near Tormintoul, Banff), an Ensign in Army, returned
home."
It is not known how this Donald McAlpin may fit into our family tree, but Patrick McAlpine, from Gaularig, was one of three sons of our ancestor Donald McAlpine (d. May 1718) from Glenorchy (see p. 105), i.e., a brother, or possibly half-brother, of Duncan from Craleckan, Farm.
In the end, the harshness of British justice accomplished its objectives. By brutality the Highlands were subdued, the glens emptied, the clans destroyed, and the Hanoverian dynasty was made secure. The warrior spirit of the clansmen became "usefully" expended in England's wars and the Highlanders lands were eventually settled with "decent, law-abiding, God-fearing Protestants from the south."
The legislation which most immediately destroyed the Highland way of life was that which took from its people the kilt, plaid and clothing of tartan weave. The English Act against the tartan was posted throughout the Highlands, and wherever possible those Highlandmen who had no English were made to swear the following oath in the Irish tongue, and upon the holy iron of their dirks:
"I do swear, as I shall
answer to God at the great day of Judgement, I have not, nor shall have
in my possession any gun, sword, pistol or arm whatsoever, and never
use tartan, plaid or any part of the Highland garb, and if I do so,
may I be cursed in my undertakings, family and property, may I be killed
in battle as a coward, and be without burial in a strange land, far
from the graves of my forefathers and kindred, may all this come across
me if I break my oath."
Undoubtedly, this was composed for the English law-enforcers by a Highlander, for in the words of Prebble, "No Englishman, and perhaps no Lowlander, could have composed an oath so obviously Highland in feeling."
Ironically, some forty years later, King George IV (a post-rebellion Jacobite) came to Scotland dressed in a ridiculous uniform of scarlet kilt, plaid, bonnet, eagle feathers, broadsword, dirk and 'skean dhu', and a new romantic interest in Highland dress was born. Tartans were invented and ascribed to this clan or that, probably none of which would have been recognized by any of Highlanders who charged at Culloden.
The banning of their dress took from the clans their pride and their sense of belonging to a unique people. The abolition of the hereditary jurisdictions of their chiefs which followed, destroyed the political and social system that had held them together.
Once the chiefs lost their power of jurisdiction many of them also lost any parental interest in their clansmen. During the next hundred years it was the chiefs, themselves, who continued the work of Cumberlands' battalions. Land which they once held on behalf of their tribe now became theirs in fact and in law. They wore the tartan and kept a piper to play at their board, but profit and land-rents replaced a genuine pride of race. They cleared the crofts of men, women, and children, using police and soldiers when necessary, so that they might lease their glens and braes to sheep-farmers from the Lowlands and from England. During "the Highland Clearances" the self interest of the clan chiefs became one of the greatest reasons for the harsh treatment of the common people.
About one lifetime later, the descendants of those who survived the fighting both for and against Bonnie Prince Charlie were sent in thousands to Canada. It would be interesting to know if any of the many McAlpin(e) families from Argyll who emigrated to Elgin and Middlesex counties, Ontario, in the first half of the nineteenth century were among those emigrants. Of special interest in this respect is Niel McAlpine (Captain Storms) of Fingal, Ontario, who was immortalized in Peter McArthur's short story, "Bushel for Bushel" (Appendix ).
A few others, including our ancestors, John Francis and Martin McAlpine, emigrated to Ireland (see Chapter 6).
An interesting possibility concerning Secretary John (McAlister) McAlpin's fate first arose from information provided in 1984 by Thomas Martin Kershaw, then living at 507 Harvard Ave., Seattle, Washington, 98102, U.S. A. Mr. Kershaw is descended from a John McAlpin who was born in County Mayo in the 1790's. This John McAlpin (without an "e", as in the case of Duncan McAlpin (4) and his eldest son, Secretary John McAlpin, chart 4) was a Roman Catholic and married Cecelia Gibbons about 1817. In 1831 they emigrated with a family of three sons (Patrick, the eldest, born in 1818) and one daughter to Sherbrooke, Quebec, thence to Massachussetts, Maryland, Ohio, Indianna, and finally settled in Iowa. These and related facts were documented in 189335 and are discussed in greater detail on pages 174-6.
It is tempting to speculate that this John McAlpin was a grandson of John McAlpin, the Secretary to Lord George Murray. Perhaps Secretary John, following his defection from the Jacobite forces at Falkirk in January 1746 (see page 116), fled to Ireland (a pattern that was common at that time), married a Catholic girl, and settled in County Mayo, possibly at Moneen (near Louisburgh). The details known about Thomas Kershaw's ancestor, John McAlpin, i.e., native of County Mayo, born in 1790's, Catholic, married Cecelia Gibbons about 1817, fit well with an assumption that he could be a grandson of Secretary John. Furthermore, if Secretary John, eldest son of Duncan McAlpin (4), did in fact flee to Ireland from Craleckan Farm, it provides a logical explanation of why his brother James and his family (our ancestors), also emigrated to County Mayo in 1792. This assumption also provides a foundation for a statement voiced by all the McAlpine lineages I met in Ireland, namely, that two families of McAlpines originally came to County Mayo from Scotland, one that settled near Moneen, and one that settled at Skehogue, Burren. (For additional discussion of these possibilities, see pages 174-6.)
Secretary John's brothers, James and Archibald remained at or near Craleckan Farm where both worked as stone masons at Inverary Castle. Subsequently, their surname was erroneously entered as McAlester rather than McAlpine into the burgh records at Inverary. This came about in 1748 as a result of a court case in Inverary against James' wife Ann McLean, during which, Ann's brother-in-law Archibald McAlpine (alias McAlester) testified on her behalf. The Argyll Records include the following entry in the minutes of Inverary Town Council:
"At Inverary, the first
day of October 1748 ... Ann McLean, spouse to James McAlester mason,
... (and seven other people) ... being all convened within the Tolbooth
before the Provost for entering into the Duke of Argyll's Inclosure's
in the part-called the Wintertown and for intrometting with, gathering,
and attempting to carry off part of the Timber newly cut in the said
Inlcosures until impeded. And all judicially confess the same ... and
the Provost fynes them in five shillings more foresaid."
Monsignor Patrick McAlpine knew the background of this incident from family tradition and his own research and related it to his niece Catherine Frances (McAlpine) Allen. The Monsignor took pains to ensure that she understood that the James and Archibald "McAlisters" mentioned in the Inverary records were, in fact, the sons of Duncan McAlpin and his first wife, who was a McAlester.
James, the second son of Duncan, is our direct ancestor. He was born about 1730, probably at Glenorchy (=Clachandysart), and he died about 1800 at Skehogue, Burren, near Raheen Bar (=Rachinbar), a few miles northwest of Castlebar, County Mayo, Ireland. He married Ann McLean and they lived at Craleckan Farm, near Furnace, Argyll. After the Battle of Culloden Moor in 1746 James, and his brother Archibald, were stonemasons at Inverary Castle, the headquarters of Clan Campbell. James and Ann had at least two sons, John and Martin, and one daughter. As nearly as can now be ascertained, the entire family emigrated to County Mayo about 1792, and it is to them that our particular branch of McAlpines owes its Irish heritage.
Since Craleckan Farm played a key role in our family history, a few words about it are of interest. It is located at Furnace, a few miles southwest of Inverary. Its economic importance stemmed from two factors. Firstly, the adjacent waters of Loch Fyne seem always to have been a rich fishing grounds. As a result, Craleckan Farm probably served as an important fishing station for Scottish tenants who were being removed from their crofts to make room for sheep raising. Secondly, Craleckan was portioned out of the Braleckan Estate about 1756 on a 57-year tack by iron developers from England. They established an iron foundry there, known as Argyll Furnace, which provided a livelihood for many people, including our ancestor Duncan McAlpin who moved there from Glenorchy.
The land comprising Craleckan Farm consists of 444 acres in a pretty glen along the northern shore near the upper end of Loch Fyne. Two survey maps of the farm made about 1810 are entitled: "Plan of the Farm of Craleckan with a Village also Crofts", and "Plan of the Farm of Craleckan and with a Village Intended to be built also Divided into Crofts as a Fishing Station." The last-mentioned plan proposed to divide the glen into 51 rectangular "crofts" each of which contained about three acres. These proposed crofts extended outward from the middle of the glen to semi-wooded uplands which enclosed the arable land in a horse-shoe-like fashion. This hilly semicircle around the crofts consisted of 284 acres, and was designated "Pastureland". The landlords' home and out-buildings were located near the middle of the project. An existing "quay" jutted out into Loch Fyne less than a mile to the south-east, and a "village site" was indicated in the area adjoining the quay. To the northwest was "Braleckan Land" and to the north was "Achindil". It was to this Craleckan Farm that Duncan McAlpin came with his family, probably in the mid 1750's and made his home.
In May 1975, my wife, Naomi, and I visited Craleckan Farm with Walter Allen and his late daughter, Mary Ann (Allen) Lipsman. Walter had been long familiar with its name from mentions of it in the family records transmitted to him, and it was on his initiative that we set out to find it. By previous arrangement we met at a hotel in Glasgow, Scotland, hired a taxi, and drove to Furnace. At that time we didn't know either its precise location, or even if it still existed.
On arriving at the little village of Furnace we parked on the main street to make enquiries. It was about 11:00 a.m., and two elderly Scottish ladies were ambling down the middle of the dusty roadway. I asked them if they knew of a place called Craleckan Farm (I pronounced it Králikan). They both looked at me rather critically and one of them replied, "Aye, Krraláiken ye mean. Och! It's just doon tha' way. Goa doon the wee hill there, and acr-rose the bur-ren. It's the first laneway on yoor r-right." We were delightfully surprised and overjoyed to find it so easily.
We followed her directions, and were even more happily surprised to discover the landlord's old home (Fig. ) in an excellent state of repair, and the surrounding grounds all neatly attended. The house appeared so well kept that we could scarcely believe it was the original one, but we were later assured in letters (see below) from the then owners, Mr. Louis E. and Mrs. Lynn Wright, that it was in fact the original Craleckan House. They were from England and had purchased the property a few years previously. They replaced the roof and remodelled the interior and were living in it with their family (In 1979, they sold it and moved to Trescobel, Bodmin, Cornwall). Subsequent records showed that it was built between 1750-60, and that its present position is the same as indicated on the earliest plans. The ruins of the original furnace stand nearby (Fig. ).
We spent several hours walking about, taking pictures, and examining the original stone fences and the ruins of the old out-buildings. We even quenched our thirst from the little brook that ran by the house (it has provided the inhabitants with clean, fresh, water for centuries), while we mused about the various points of interest. The view westward up the glen, now largely reforested, was post-card beautiful, and the one southward over Loch Fyne was even more striking. I shall never forget the emotions felt at being able to see and touch for the first time the same things that my great-great, my great-great-great, and my great-great-great-great grandparents had seen and touched. To those interested in such matters, this sort of experience is among the most satisfying ones that this world can offer.
None of the Wright family was at home during our visit, but Mr. Wright graciously wrote to us later. We are most grateful to him for the information provided, as follows, in his letter of May 30, 1975:
"Dear Frank and Walter:
How sorry we were to have missed you on the occasion of your recent visit to Scotland and Craleckan. We would have so much liked to talk to you and compare your information with our own rather scanty facts about this old house. You must have been looking forward to enter the home of your ancestor of the 1700's, and we can only hope that you will be able to do so in the not too distant future.
You were probably expecting to find this a farm still, but in fact it is just a private home now, and has been for some time. Regrettably, the former fields are now, as you saw, covered-in in forestry plantations. From what we are told by the old people of the village they were fertile fields, and certainly they appear to be so to us, so far as we are able to trace and judge them.
I do not know what picture you had in mind when you came, but this house as you found it bears little resemblance to what it would have been all those long years ago. The right hand, or lower level of the house which is now the lounge with a stairway leading to the upper part, was originally the byre or cowshed, and had no door through to the house as it does now. The cedar-clad bedroom immediately above this section did not exist, and the roof was at the single lower level until it met the wall of the house proper. It may or may not have had a chimney in those early days, and, in any case, it would have been thatched instead of slated as it is now.
The left half of the structure you saw was the house proper, and we can still see the place in the floor to the rear of the building (about opposite the front door) where the almost upright stair (virtually a ladder) led up to the loft of the house. It would not have had windows as it does today, and if fact the windows downstairs were all much smaller than they are today, with the exception of the two tiny iron-framed ones at the back. The lean-to at the back was the dairy of those farming days, and there was a door from the byre leading out to the back (under the stairway as you looked in the front window). The dairy was about one foot lower in earlier times. Incidentally, we still have with us today some descendants of the very early inhabitants of the house, commonly known as woodworms!
You are probably aware that for centuries the house belonged to the Dukes of Argyll. A local historian was able to produce a copy of a rent list for one of the various farms of the Argyll Estates for the year 1779 and I give it below:
Age
Peter McArthur 25
Jean McArthur, his sister 20
Duncan McAlpin 66
Tibby McArthur, his wife 64
Archibald McGugan 36
Mary McArthur, his wife 34
Duncan McGugan their child 6
John McGugan their child 4
Martha McGugan their child 11
Mary McGugan their child 7
John McArthur 64
Mary Campbell 35
You will see that a Duncan McAlpin, aged 66, is included in this list, but without the final 'e' as you use today. It is interesting to see that his wife Tibby McArthur is given as 64, and lower down in the list is a John McArthur also aged 64. Could they have been twins? With the exception of McAlpine, all the names mentioned are still here in the area. It was not until I stood in this newly added bedroom glancing at the list as it lay on my desk that I realized I had brought into the house a list of its occupants and those of its farm servants etc., who lived here all those years ago. I got a peculiar thrill to think that perhaps such a list had never been in the house before. There were in those days also some small cottages here, and we can see the ruins today. I have been using the stones for wall building as you have noticed.
You do not appear to have asked locally where to find Craleckan, or if you did no one has mentioned it. How did you find it? I do not imagine that the original Duncan left you directions, and there is no indication in the form of signs etc., here today. This brings me to the name Craleckan. It is now known as South Craleckan, but really this is quite wrong. This house is Craleckan, and the one now known as North Craleckan should be known as Tigh Ruadh or Red House which is from the colour of its stone. However, since the owner has called it North Craleckan (he has no right to do so), we now call this much older house South Craleckan.
I shall not write more now. More about us at a later date. Kindest regards to you and your respective families.
Yours sincerely,
Age
Louis F. Wright 50
Evelyn Spurling, his wife 47
(with a Scots grandfather named
Walker from Ross-Shire)
Stephanie Wright their child 16
David Wright their child 14
Plus, Michael Wright, aged
23, elder son resident in Essex, England."
Perhaps all these events and conditions that affected our ancestors in Scotland over the period 1500-1800 provide some insight into our own personalities - how we think and react, what we like and dislike, our attitudes and philosophies, what seems important and unimportant, what commands our respect and what disturbs us, etc., etc.
According to the records handed down to Walter Allan, James McAlpine and Ann McLean's family consisted of at least three children, all of whom were born at Craleckan Farm. There were at least two boys, John (b. 1766, d. 1846), and Martin, and one girl whose name is unknown. Before they emigrated to Ireland, John and Martin engaged in fishing off Pennymore Point, Loch Fyne, while their father worked on the Castle at Inverary. As youths, they sailed back and forth between Loch Fyne and ports, including Killala, on the west coast of Ireland, seemingly in connection with marketing or trading the fish they and others had caught.
It is not known precisely why the family emigrated to Ireland in 1792. There is no evidence that they were expelled from Scotland. On the contrary, they seemed to have left Argyll simply because they believed that Ireland offered more and better opportunities for a living. If, as conjectured on pages 115-16, James' elder brother, Secretary John, preceded him there in 1746, James and his family may simply have followed John's lead. Undoubtedly, the boys had established various personal connections in County Mayo during the course of their sailing trips there with fish, and they may well have made the arrangements for the emigration. The year they moved to Mayo (1792) is known in Scottish history as "The Year of the Sheep". Although the "Clearances" of the inhabitants from the Scottish glens began in 1780 and lasted for 60 years, it reached its first climax in 1792. (For a full account, read John Prebble's The Highland Clearances30.)
At that time, there was a large influx of displaced crofters to fishing sites, such as Loch Fyne. Perhaps this factor made it very difficult for the McAlpines to eke out a living at Craleckan. Large numbers of Scottish people emigrated to Canada and elsewhere at the same time. It seems likely that, James and Ann and their family, building on their connections in County Mayo, simply decided to go there rather than to some more distant and completely foreign land. As mentioned earlier, there is a possibility that Col. James McAlpine of Breandrum, who had large land holdings in Mayo then, may have opened some doors for them, but we have no evidence to support that conclusion.
At any rate, John and Martin came as fishermen to the Westport area of County Mayo, and settled in the vicinity of Castlebar. Their father, James, and their sister either came with them or joined them later. The precise location of their first abode is unknown. All we know is that for a time the father worked at a corn mill at Lough Furnace, near Skehogue, Burren, Turlough Parish, and that he lived out his last days at the homes of his two sons John Francis and Martin McAlpine at Skehogue, Burren.
In an article entitled "Townlands connected with Turlough" by Paddy Jennings published in a Castlebar newspaper in 1976, a reference is made to the ruins of a corn mill at Ballynew (= new townland). That mill was probably the one at which my great-great-great grandfather James (McAlister) McAlpine found his first employment in Ireland. The complete note in Mr. Jennings' article reads as follows (bracketted explanation is mine):
"Ballynew. McAlpine estate
(This refers to Col. James McAlpine who had extensive land holdings
in the vicinity of Castlebar, including that of John Francis and Martin
McAlpine). Had 15 tenants on 98 acres. McAlpine owned 63 acres in 1857.
The townland has the ruins of an old church and corn mill, a Holy Well
called Tobernatren, and a cemetery. A pattern (a feast or merrymaking
in honour of a patron saint) was held at the well in 1838."
The genealogy of all the known children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren of James and Ann (McLean) McAlpine are shown on Chart 5.
Because James' son John is my direct ancestor I have more information on him than on any other member of that family. The family records indicate that he was born in 1766 and that he was 16 when the family left Scotland for Ireland; it is on this basis that we assume they emigrated in 1792. These same records drew attention to the coincidence of moving from Furnace in Scotland to Furnace in Ireland.
Just six years after their arrival in Mayo, the United Irish Uprising of 1798 erupted at Killala, and all three members of James and Ann's family became involved in it in one way or another. Shortly before the uprising started, their daughter (name unknown) was married to one Peter Gibbons who was executed as a rebel in 1799. It is possible that this is "the detestable scoundrel", a Gibbons, mentioned on page 251 of W.H. Maxwell 's account.36
Unfortunately, most of the historical accounts of the United Irish Uprising of 1798 that bear on our ancestors and their relatives and associates were written by persons with very strong Anglo-Protestant convictions and unabashed anti-Catholic and anti-Irish sentiments. I refer especially to the works of Bishop Joseph Stock37, Sir Richard Musgrave38, and W.H. Maxwell36. Their contempt for Irish Catholics and anyone sympathetic to their cause was such that they could not or would not attribute scarcely any good qualities to them. Hence, they were usually referred to as scoundrels, wretches, vagrants, brutes, drunken sots, etc. their motives were construed as beastly, sanguinary, and grossly immoral, and their manners as rude and uncouth. Naturally, under this kind of rating plan, our Scottish ancestors in Ireland didn't fare any better than the native Irish. Probably a more objective portrayal of the personalities, attitudes and conditions of the people who participated in the uprising is given by Thos. Flanagan39, Dr. Richard Hayes40 and Thos. Packenham41.
According to the tradition handed down through the generations, both John and Martin were in Killala, (a place they knew well from their previous sailing voyages to Ireland from Loch Fyne) when the French General Humbert and his 1100 troops landed there during the last week of August, 1798. According to the same tradition, it was during this historic time that they formally converted to Roman Catholicism. Now, Bishop Joseph Stock, the Anglican clergyman who was stationed at Killala, in his Narrative of What Passed at Killalla, made special mention of two unnamed men who converted to Catholicism and were baptized at Killala during the first few days of the uprising, as follows:
"It was some time before
the French could believe that no protestant would join them. The only
persons of the established church that did so, were two drunken sots
of Killalla, who, thinking apostasy the fittest prelude to treason,
before they embraced the French party, did first publicly declare themselves
converts to the church of Rome."
Bishop Stock's account (or slight variations of it) of the French campaign, including these comments about the conversion of the two protestant "drunks", is repeated in various other accounts of the uprising (for example, see Packenham, 1969, p. 34841). Because Stock's report coincides with the place and time of their conversion as told in the family records, Walter Allen believes that the two men referred to by Bishop Stock, are in fact our two former Scottish fishermen, John and Martin McAlpine. There is no other documentary evidence, such as parish records, to support this belief, but it may well be true. It is also well within the realm of possibility that they might have taken a few drinks to celebrate the occasion! Perhaps their descendants, at least, will forgive them, if they did.
Later when John was confirmed in the Catholic church he took (or perhaps was assigned) the name Francis, after the thirteenth century saint, St. Francis of Assisi. Nearly everyone knows something about St. Francis - peace lover, nature lover, animal lover, and composer of that beautiful prayer, "Lord make me an instrument of your peace." St. Francis' goal was to reproduce the ideal of the Divine life on earth, much as in the case of St. Columcille. Therefore, neither he nor his followers were to possess anything temporal, but were to go about the world doing good and preaching the Kingdom of Heaven to all who would listen. John Francis, seems to have lived up to these ideals, because many of his descendants over the next several generations, including Monsignor Patrick McAlpine, Vicar-General of Tuam, spent their lives as priests and sisters in the service of the Church both in Ireland and America (see, especially, Charts 5, 6).
Following the uprising of 1798, John Francis spent a year in jail at Castlebar for assisting a rebel possibly his brother-in-law, Peter Gibbons (married to his sister) or some of the Maguire brothers (brothers of his wife-to-be). Martin seems to have escaped prosecution; at least no indication of it has been handed down in our family records and tradition.
John Francis married Marion Maguire, the daughter of Hugh Maguire and Mary Flannery. Hugh was an influential brewer at Crossmolina, County Mayo. He was the son of Thos. Maguire, Eighth Lord Maguire, and Margaret O'Donnell. Margaret O'Donnell was also a descendant of ancient Irish royalty. Marion's father, Hugh, and Hugh's cousin Ferdy O'Donnell were well-known leaders in the '98 uprising, as were three of her brothers. Her father was hanged in May 1799 for his part, and her three brothers, Edmund, Hugh and Roger, were transported. Their cousin Ferdy O'Donnell, was killed by a bullet in the back during the final battle at Killala. Ironically, it was delivered by a Scottish Highlander (Frazier) in the English forces. Ferdy's tomb is in the cemetery at Killala.
The exact date of John's marriage to Marion is unknown. Their eldest child, Patrick was born in 1803, so probably, they were married in 1802. They had two other sons, Martin and James. John's brother, Martin (hereinafter called Martin I), also married a Catholic girl, but her name and the date of their wedding is unknown. The names and ages of three sons, Patrick (b. about 1810, d. 1843), Martin (b. 1812, d. June 22, 1894) and John (b. 1816, d. 1894) are known. From these dates it appears that Martin I was married at least seven years after John Francis. Martin I seems also to have had a third son, Martin (Martin II) to be dealt with in more detail later (see p. 147).
John and Martin I both built fieldstone homes, in the Scottish tradition, within a few feet of each other at Skehogue Burren, near Sheanes (or Sheehaun), about seven miles north of Castlebar. The site is close to the road that ran from Castlebar to Crossmolina, a mile or so south of Barnageahy (=Windy Gap) of 1798 fame*. The big hill behind their little farms is probably part of Raheen Bar the pronunciation of which came down to us in Canada, at least, as "Rachinbar". I still remember my older uncles, aunts and cousins speaking of "Rachinbar". It seemed to hold more significance in their minds than Castlebar. According to Townland's (1901) Index of Ireland, Raheen Bar consisted of 596 acres in the Barony of Carra, Parish of Islandeady, in the rural district of Castlebar.
In Sir Richard Griffith's Primary Valuation of Tenements 1848-1864, John and Martin were recorded for the period 1833-1856 as each living on 21 acres of land leased from George Bingham, Earl of Lucan. The location was then given as Turlough Parish, near Barnageahy (=Windy Gap). As noted earlier (p. 89) their tenancies were under the Sherriffdom of Col. James McAlpine of Breandrum, at least after the year 1844. Possibly
(*In a letter dated February 20, 1977, from Paddy Jennings, a local historian from Castlebar, he stated that "Skehogues Burren is in Castlebar Prish about one-quarter mile on the east side of the road north of Burren School. The meaning of the village which I feel is not recognised in "the ridges of the battles".
they were distantly related to this Col. James, for he was descended from a James McAlpine family, originally from near Loch Lomond, which was given land in Co. Tyrone in 1615 under James VI and I Implantation Programme (see p. 88).
The genealogical details described above are shown in Chart 5.
As previously indicated, my wife, Naomi, and I, to celebrate our 25th wedding anniversary, visited Scotland and Ireland in the spring of 1975. Much of our time was spent retracing the steps of my ancestors in both countries. Earlier on this same trip, we visited Craleckan Farm in Inverary, Argyll (see p. 127-29), and in May we went to Ireland. There we were very fortunate to meet with the late John McAlpine who lived at Ballyvary, County Mayo. He was a great-grandson of John Francis, while I, James Francis, am a great-great grandson. Ballyvary John, then in his seventies was in good health, and we travelled widely in western Ireland visiting relatives, friends, and places of family interest. The most memorable visit for me was to John Francis' and Martin I's old homesteads at Skehogue Burren. Although they were located only a few miles from Ballyvary, John's own home (and that of his parents and grandparents), he had never visited the original homesteads. However, his late sister, Delia, had been there, and so he knew approximately where they were located. We set out one morning by car to find "Rachinbar" and Skehogue, Burren. The road we followed was very crooked, snaking its way up and down among the hills, hedges and fence rows. We stopped to ask all and sundry for directions to Raheenbar; most had seemingly never heard of such a place, but finally we met a farmer driving some cattle, who directed us to it with a wave of his hand toward a big hill in front of us. It was on the opposite side of that hill, he said, about three miles distant. We ended up at the end of a road that was little more than a laneway. There was a neat white cottage on our left and a little old woman was standing in the gateway, surrounded by a flock of red, white, and speckled hens. I introduced myself and asked her name. She told me she was Mrs. Morrison and that she was nearly ninety years of age. When I asked her if she knew whether any McAlpines had ever lived nearby, she replied, "Aye, the auld place is just over the hill there; my own son owns it now, but up until just a few years ago, there was Calpins still livin' there. Sure and I'm related to them." She then gave me an oral account of the lineages of the McAlpines that had lived there and her relationship by marriage to them. (See p. 147)
Following her directions to the site, I walked through the laneway past her son's house on the right side of the laneway, straight on across a field to a stone fence, that ran perpendicularly downward to a brook - in all, about a five to ten-minute walk. Sure enough, at the end of the stone fence were the remains of two field-stone cottages located about 25 yards from each other (Figure ).
In the records Walter Allen had from his mother, (great-grandchild of John Francis, and first cousin of Ballyvary John), she had frequently remarked about the "high dyke" around her great-grandparents homestead, and how it had served as a favorite play-area of her grandfather and his brothers and there cousins, during their childhood. When I viewed the site for the first time, this dike did in fact stand out as a striking feature. It almost appeared as if the cottages had been built in a sort of pit. They were situated in a little flattish area at the immediate base of a long, broad hillside that sloped down to the brook. The earth adjacent to the cottage walls that faced toward the hillside had been dug out and thrown up to form a ridge-like semicircle to protect the dwelling places against the prevailing winds. No doubt it was just as windy at Skehogue, Burren as it was at Windy Gap, only a short distance away!
The roofs of both buildings had fallen in, but the four walls were still standing (see photos). To me the cottages were surprisingly small, being not more than 16 feet by 20 feet in outside measurements. The dry-stone walls were constructed from local field stones which had been carefully fitted together. Probably the interspaces once had been filled with a kind of mortar, but it was now eroded away. The two side walls were not more than seven feet high, and the two ends were perhaps 10 feet high at the peak of the stone gables. In general, they seemed to match the description of Scottish cottages given by Prebble (see p. 103), even to his statement about them "enduring longer than the people, mute, eyeless, and open-to-the-sky."
I wandered around among the ruins taking photographs and picturing in my mind the life and livelihood, the pleasures and the hardships, the joys and the sorrows, of my ancestors who had lived there some 150 years ago. At last, I sat down on a stone above the dike just to think and absorb the scenery. It was not long until I felt the presence of eyes upon me. Turning around, I found two friendly looking youths, Michael and John Walsh, the grandsons of Mrs. Morrison, leaning over their elbows on the stone fence curiously observing my behaviour. They had been digging peat in a bog some distance beyond the stone fence, and had come over to see what was going on. When I smiled and spoke to them their first question was "And what would ye be wantin' pictures of that auld place for?" When I explained that it was the home of my great-great-grandparents and the birthplace of my great-grandfather they were astonished. As children they had known the two McAlpines (bachelors by the name of Patrick and John, descended from Martin I McAlpine, (see Chart 8) who had lived there. It is noteworthy that Paddy Jennings, in his letter of February 20, 1977, (see p. 139) also mentioned these two brothers as follows: "Two brothers McAlpine, one named John, were born there (Skehogues Burren) about 1890. There is nobody of the name there now". Following numerous questions, the Walsh brothers insisted that I go with them. "Ye must," they said, "tell this story to our Daddy." Their father, Anthony Walsh, was confined to the house on account of a chronic illness, Michael's comment was, "Sure ye'll brighten his day for him, thanks be to God!" After a pleasant visit with the two boys and their father in their home, I departed, but our acquaintance was continued by correspondence for many years.
This brief visit to the ruins of the two humble little cottages in the lee of Raheenbar will always be a highlight of my life. Here it was that my great-great grandparents, John Francis and Marion Macguire settled down and raised their family, a few years after the rebellion of 1798. Some years later, they were joined by Martin I and his bride who leased the adjacent 21-acre property and built a similar abode beside them. They, along with their father, James (McAlister) McAlpine, and three more generations of their descendants all lived there. Thus, for nearly 150 years, this particular little nook in County Mayo was "home" to five generations of McAlpines. From there, their descendants, now numbering in the thousands, have scattered to the farthest ends of the earth.
John Francis and Marion had at least three sons, Patrick (b. 1803, d. Aug. 20, 1865), Martin (b. , d. ), and James (b. 1813, d. 1873). There is no record of any others in their family (see Chart 5).
Patrick seems to have been the eldest, and he was the only one who remained in Ireland. In 1833 he married Bridget Hyland (b. 1804, d. Jan. 12, 1900), and moved to Ballyvary, then known as Keelogues. Bridget was the widow of one Coyle (or Crowley), and had two daughters, both of whom emigrated to U.S.A. (one of them married a Flannery). Patrick and Bridget farmed at Keelogues, now Ballyvary. They raised seven of 13 children born to them: Bridget (unmarried), Mary (married Patrick Flynn), Ellen (Sister Mary Peter, emigrated to U.S.A.), Rev. John Francis (bursar Black Rock College, Dublin, d. 1914), Martin (emigrated to Corning, New York, married a Loftus), James (married Catherine "Kay" Carney, farmed at Ballyvary), and Rt. Rev. Monsignor Patrick (b. Jan. 6, 1847, d. Nov. 13, 1932, Vicar General Archdiocese of Tuam, twin brother of James. A family tree of Patrick and Bridget's descendants was compiled by a number of their grandchildren. A drop-chart, prepared by Walter M. Allen, Pittsburgh, Penn., a descendant of Martin and Catherine (Loftus) McAlpine, summarized the genealogy of that line, the details of which are shown in Charts 6b and 6c. John McAlpine (b. July 21, 1901, d. Feb. 14,1983) from Ballyvary, whom my wife and I visited in 1975, and his brother Rev. Patrick F. McAlpine (b. Mar. 15, 1899, d. Sept. 14,1974) with whom I corresponded, were descendants of James and Catherine (Carney) McAlpine. John Corley (married to Margaret Guthrie) also a descendant of James, now lives on the Patrick McAlpine homestead at Ballyvary. All known descendants of Patrick and Bridget (Hyland) McAlpine are shown on Charts 6, 6a, 6b and 6c. The last person of this line to carry the name McAlpine, was Margarita Louise McAlpine, born 1914, the only child of Joseph Michael McAlpine and Louise Lawrence (Chart 6). She was unmarried and lived in Bridgeport, Connecticut and later in New York City.
Patrick's brother Martin emigrated to Patterson, New Jersey, in 1885, where he and his wife, Ellen, lived out their lives. They had no children. Patrick's other brother, James, married Ann (Nancy) Collins in 1839 or 1840 and in 1841 they, with their infant daughter, Margaret, emigrated to Erinsville, Sheffield Township, Lennox and Addington County, Ontario. Since James and Ann are my paternal great-grandparents, they are the primary subjects of this work. It was my interest in the genealogy of their descendants in Canada and United States that stimulated me to undertake it. Complete treatments on James' and Ann's descendants are given in Chapters 10 and 11. At last count, they now have about 1500 descendants, almost all of whom originated in Canada and U.S.A., now extending to six generations. Before dealing with them in detail, however, it is expedient to pick up on James' uncle, Martin I, the ancestor of most of the McAlpines who still live in County Mayo, and of many of those in U.S.A.
John Francis' brother Martin, designated as Martin I, was married a few years after John Francis, but we do not know his wife's name. As indicated earlier, Martin I also built a field-stone house as Skehogue, Burren, near the one described for John Francis, but I am not entirely certain which of the two houses belonged to which brother. The last one to be occupied (Fig. ), was last occupied by Patrick McAlpine (died in 1964), who was probably a great grandson of Martin I (see Chart 8). From this sequence of events it seems likely that that house originally belonged to Martin I.
Martin I's family consisted of at least two and probably three sons (Chart 5). One son was Patrick McAlpine, born about 1812-13, who married Bridget McKeown (see photo) about 1835. Patrick and Bridget left Ireland in 1843 with their five sons, John, Michael, James, Thomas and ?, for Erinsville, Ontario. Sadly, Patrick and his two youngest sons perished from cholera or typhus during the sailing voyage to Canada. The story of this tragedy was passed down for generations through the different branches of our McAlpine family tree, both in Ireland and in America. As noted previously (p. 10), Patrick's widow, Bridget, remarried in Erinsville to Michael Donahoe. Their fourth child, Maria Donahoe (b. 1849, d. Feb. 14, 1911), married James McAlpine (b. Sept. 29, 1843, d. Jan. 21, 1929), grandson of John Francis, and they became my grandparents. Published documentation on Patrick and his family and their descendants is contained in Curtis Wedge's History of Wright County, Minnesota42. An account on the descendants of Patrick's three sons who survived the voyage in 1843 is provided in Chapter 12. Much credit for the data contained in that account is due to the late Leo J. McAlpine, Stillwater, Minnesota, a descendant of Patrick's brother John McAlpine (see Chapter 13).
This latter John was born at Skehogue in 1816. He married Ann "Nancy" McKeown, a sister of Patrick's wife Bridget McKeown, in 1836. For about 10 years they also lived in County Mayo, but in 1847 they, too, emigrated to Erinsville, Ontario, with the first three members of their family (eight more were born in America - see Chapter 13). About nine years later, in 1856, they moved to Saginaw, Michigan, where they remained, at least for most of the time, for seven years. In the 1861 Census of Canada they are recorded as living at Erinsville, but in 1863 they moved again, this time to St. Paul, Minnesota, where they stayed for three years. In 1866 the family made a final move to Maple Lake, Minnesota, but one of their sons, James, took over their original home at Erinsville, where he married and lived out his life. Published documentation about John and Nancy and their family is also provided in Wedge's book (Vol. 1, pp. 361-2)42. Their many descendants are treated in detail in Chapter 13. Again, credit for many of these details is due to the late Leo J. McAlpine, Stillwater, Minnesota, a grandson of John and Nancy's son Michael "Red Mike" McAlpine.
All the evidence from various segments of the information given to me by several relatives in County Mayo leads to the conclusion that Martin I had a third son called Martin, hereinafter called Martin II McAlpine.
According to first-hand information given to me by Mrs. Morrison and her son, Anthony Walsh, in 1975, the original McAlpine homestead at Skehogue that was last occupied by the Patrick McAlpine who died in 1964, was first inherited by "Old Martin's" oldest son by his second marriage, i.e., James McAlpine of Sheanes (married to Bridget McAlpine) (See Chart 8). Then James gave it to his full brother John McAlpine (married to Mary Fahey). This John and Mary (Fahey) McAlpine occupied the house and raised three bachelor sons Martin, John and Patrick (d. 1964). After John and Mary died the place was inherited by their two sons John and Patrick (d. 1964) both of whom spent their lives there. It is now owned by Mrs. Morrison's son Anthony Walsh. He and his sons, Michael and John Walsh, expressed fond memories of Patrick as a gentle, kindly old man whom they visited frequently.
Mrs. Morrison and her son Anthony also informed me that "Old Martin" McAlpine from Sheanes had been married twice, and that his second wife was a Walsh from Mount Daisy. Because Mrs. Morrison's first husband was also a Walsh, and a relative of "Old Martin's" second wife, she considered herself related to "Old Martin" McAlpine's second family. She correctly listed the names of all the members of that family, and provided clear evidence that she knew all of them on a personal basis. She also had some childhood memories of "Old Martin" himself.
In 1975, Mrs. Morrison was 85 years of age, which means she was born about 1890. The fact that she had memories of this "Old Martin" means he was still living in the later 1890's, an impossibility for Martin I who was born about 1776-77. My conclusion is that the "Old Martin" who lived at Sheanes was a third son of Martin I, i.e., Martin II.
Martin II's second family, as described by Mrs. Morrison and confirmed by Martin II's grand-daughter, Mary E. (McAlpine) Gilmartin from Mt. Gordon, Castlebar, consisted of five children: James, Michael, Martin, John, and Bridget. The four boys all married and remained in County Mayo, but Bridget married a Maloney and emigrated to Pennsylvania, U.S.A. An outline of this branch of the family tree is shown in Chart 8. It is important to note here that Martin II's son James, who married a Bridget McAlpine, was the father of Mary E. (McAlpine) Gilmartin (died in 1976-7), that his second son, Michael who married Catherine Hopkins, was the father of Little John McAlpine (died 1977), Lisnaponra, Logaphuille, Castlebar, and that his fourth son John, who married Mary Fahey, was the father of the Patrick McAlpine (d. 1964), who last occupied the homestead at Skehogues.
I visited both Mary E. (McAlpine) Gilmartin, and Little John McAlpine and her family in 1966 and 1975, and corresponded with them for a number of years.
Mary E. (McAlpine) Gilmartin was the eldest member of James and Bridget (McAlpine) McAlpine's family, and it was she who provided definitive information about Martin II McAlpine's first family. In 1975 she established from personal knowledges that all five of her grandfather's family were full brothers and sisters and that the step-brother mentioned by Mrs. Morrison, was a Patrick McAlpine who married and raised a family at Moneen. As far as Mary E. could recall, her grandfather James had no other half brothers or sisters. From this information it is assumed that Martin II McAlpine's first family consisted only of this one son, Patrick, probably born at Sheanes about 1837.
The next piece of this genealogical puzzle was provided by Bridget Mary (McAlpine) Gavin (born 1904), 85 McHale Road, Castlebar, whom I also visited in 1966 and 1975. Bridget Mary's family tree, based on the first hand information she provided is shown in Chart 7. Bridget Mary had clear memories of her grandfather James (b. 1840, d. 1910) who married Anne Feerick and lived at Keelogues, Ballyvary. In one letter (Oct. 22, 1966) to me she mentioned that he was a "very learned man", and in another letter (Oct. 1976) she said she was six years of age when he died, and she remembered him as "a lovely happy man, always singing at his work and ever ready to explain his gift to us children". According to Bridget Mary, he had some thoughts of emigrating to America himself, and he sent all three of his daughters to New York and New Jersey. Two of these daughters, Sabina and Bridget, became associated with the well-known McAlpin Hotel, New York, N.Y., which still retains the McAlpin name43.
Bridget Mary's grandfather, James (married Anne Feerick), had one brother, Patrick, who died relatively young, and three sisters Ellen, Sabina (both unmarried), and Bridget who married a Gannon. Bridget Mary repeatedly stated that her great-grandparents came from Moneen, but she could not recall their names or their precise genealogical connections with the original McAlpines at Skehogue, Burren. In a letter dated Sept. 23, 1975, she assured me that "The McAlpines from Burren where you visited Mrs. Morrison were certainly relatives of ours", and that her grandfather James "had a step-parent on the McAlpine side". She recalled how her grandfather's sister Ellen went to great lengths to attend Monsignor Patrick McAlpine's funeral in 1932.
When all these segments of information are fitted together they indicate that Martin II McAlpine's son by his first marriage, i.e., the half-brother, Patrick McAlpine, who married and raised a family at Moneen, was the father of James (married Anne Feerick), Patrick (died young), Ellen, Sabina and Bridget. "Half-brother" Patrick's children would have been second cousins, once removed of Monsignor Patrick McAlpine. The known descendants of this Patrick, as outlined by his great-granddaughter Bridget Mary (McAlpine) Gavin, are shown in Chart 7.
The early McAlpine ancestry of the Bridget McAlpine who married Martin II's son James is still uncertain. Bridget and James eldest daughter Mary E. (McAlpine) Gilmartin provided me with the names and details of her maternal grandparents, Patrick and Mary (Hopkins) McAlpine, and their descendants (see Chart 9). In addition to Bridget, this Patrick's family consisted of Michael, a soldier in the British army who died in England, Thomas, also a soldier in the British army who was killed in action at Avonnes, France, in World War I, John (b. 1901, d. 1975) who married Annie Cassidy and farmed at Lighford, Castlebar, Anne, who emigrated to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and married Peter Conway, Mary who became a religious sister, and one other daughter who also was a religious sister.
John McAlpine of Lightford, Castlebar, is the "Big" John McAlpine, referred to earlier (p. 6), whom I met in 1966. He married Annie Cassidy and their family consists of two daughters, Mary and Katherine, now married, and a son Michael. Michael married Rita Kelly, and they have eight children. I still correspond with Michael and Rita. Anne and Peter Conway, Philadelphia, have a family of three girls and one boy, Jack.
Judging from the ages of the children of Patrick and Mary (Hopkins) McAlpine, this Patrick was probably born 1845-50. From our knowledge of the names and ages of the descendants of John Francis and Martin I, it seems unlikely that this Patrick was a descendant of either of them. Conceivably, he is another descendant (great-grandson) of their uncle, Secretary John McAlpine, the elder brother of James (McAlister) McAlpine (see p. 124 and Chapter 9). The genealogy of Patrick and Mary (Hopkins) McAlpine's descendants is shown in Chart 9.
The question of why, after a period of only 50 years or so in Mayo, did so many of our ancestral McAlpine relatives once again emigrate, this time to America. The answer can only be explained in the context of Irish history, particularly as it relates to County Mayo. The following summary is drawn largely from the works of Cecil Woodhams-Smith44 (an account of the Irish famine in the 1840's), James V. Robertson45, (an account of the conditions in Ireland, especially in County Mayo, during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries), and Edwin C. Guillet46, (the story of the Atlantic migration to the New World).
Two predominating facts must be recognized from the outset. First, Ireland remained Catholic during the Reformation, and secondly, from the early years of the seventeenth century her people were brutally oppressed by the same forces and ideologies that made life unbearable for our forebears in Argyll.
Cecil Woodham-Smith, a Protestant historian, summed up the Irish situation into which our Scottish ancestors plunged, as follows:
"The country had been conquered not once, but several times, the land had been confiscated and redistributed over and over again, the population had been brought to the verge of extinction - after Cromwell's conquest and settlement in 1649-50 only some half million Irish survived. Yet after nearly 700 years, an Irish nation still existed separate, numerous and hostile, neither assimilated nor subdued, still a source of grave anxiety to England.
The hostility between England and Ireland had its roots first of all in race. After the first invasions and conquests, the Irish hated the English with the hatred of the defeated and the dispossessed. Then in the sixteenth century this racial animosity was disastrously strengthened by religious enmity. The crucial event was the Reformation. The ideas of liberty which the English cherish and the history of their country's rise to greatness are bound up in Protestantism, while Ireland, alone among the countries of northern Europe, was scarcely touched by the Reformation. The gulf which resulted could never be bridged. In the political division of northern Europe which followed the Reformation, England and Ireland were on opposing sides. Freedom for one meant slavery for the other; victory for one meant defeat for the other; the good of the one was the evil of the other. Above all, with the name of William of Orange and the glorious revolution of 1688 - the very foundation of British liberties - the Catholic Irishman associates only the final subjugation of his country and the degradation and injustice of the Penal Laws."
The Penal Laws, dating from 1695 and not repealed in their entirely until Catholic emancipation in 1829, aimed at the destruction of Catholicism in Ireland. This ferocious series of enactments was triggered by the support the Irish provided for the Catholic Stuart King James VII of Scotland and II of England. After the Protestant William of Orange was invited to ascend the English throne in 1688, King James II, landed in Ireland from France seeking support for his cause - this at a time when England was facing France, the greatest Catholic power in Europe. James II's Standard was raised, and he with an Irish Catholic army was defeated on Irish soil at the Battle of the Boyne on July 1, 1690.
Woodham-Smith continues, as follows:
"The threat to England, however, had been alarming, and vengeance followed. Irish intervention on behalf of the Stuarts was to be made impossible forever by reducing the Catholic Irish to helpless impotence. They were in the words of a contemporary, "to become insignificant slaves, fit for nothing but to hew wood and draw water", and to achieve this objective the Penal Laws were devised.
In broad outline, they barred Catholics from the army and navy, the law, commerce, and from every civic activity. No Catholic could vote, hold any office under the Crown, or purchase land, and Catholic estates were dismembered by an enactment directing that at the death of a Catholic owner, his land was to be divided among all his sons, unless the eldest became a Protestant, when he would inherit the whole. Education was made almost impossible, since Catholics might not attend schools, nor keep schools, nor send their children abroad to be educated. The practice of the Catholic faith was proscribed; informing was encouraged as "an honourable service" and priest-hunting treated as a sport. Such were the main provisions of the Penal Code. Edmund Burke, himself a Protestant, described them as "a machine as well fitted for oppression, impoverishment and degradation of a people, and the debasement in them of human nature itself, as ever proceeded from the perverted ingenuity of man."
The material damage suffered
through the Penal Laws was great; ruin was widespread, old families
disappeared and old estates were broken up, but the most disastrous
effects were moral. The Penal Laws brought lawlessness, dissimulation
and revenge in their train, and the Irish character did become in Burke's
words "degraded and debased." The upper classes were able
to leave the country and many middle-class merchants contrived, with
guile to survive, but the poor Catholic peasant bore the full hardship.
His religion made him an outlaw. In the Irish House of Commons he was
described as "the common enemy", and whatever was inflicted
upon him he must bear, for where could he look for redress? To his landlord?
Almost invariably an alien conqueror. To the law? Not when every person
connected with the law, from the jailer to the judge, was a Protestant
who regarded him as "the common enemy".
Under these conditions suspicion of the law, of the ministers of the law, and of all established authority "worked into the very nerves and blood of the Irish peasant," and since the law did not give him justice, he set up his own law. The secret societies which have been the curse of Ireland became widespread during the Penal period with a succession of underground associations, such as Oak Boys, White Boys and Ribbon Men, flouted the law and dispensed a people's justice in the terrible form of revenge.
The wrath of these secret societies was first directed against the property and landlord class, most of them absentee Protestant landowners, but as time passed, they began to victimize their Protestant neighbours. However, their most vicious acts and most virulent hatred were reserved for those of their own Roman Catholic faith who collaborated with the Protestant enemy or defected from a particular secret society.
In the words of Woodham-Smith,
"The informer, the supplanter
of an evicted tenant, or the landlord's man, were punished with dreadful
savagery, along with their livestock. Nor were lawlessness, cruelty
and revenge the only consequences. During the long Penal Period (1695
to 1829) dissimulation became a moral necessity, and evasion of the
law the duty of every God-fearing Catholic. To worship according to
his faith, the Catholic must attend illegal meetings; to protect his
priest, he must be secret, cunning and a concealer of the truth. These
were dangerous lessons for any government to compel its subjects to
learn, and a dangerous habit of mind for any nation to acquire."
The impact of these lessons was aptly expressed by the Irishman, Humphrey
O'Sullivan, who wrote in his diary on January 6, 1831, "it is little
use going to law with the devil when the court is held in hell."
The situation in County Mayo, itself, was described by journalist James V. Robertson (1975)45, essentially as follows:
"At the beginning of the
nineteenth century the Irish Catholic was indeed a slave. His bond had
been tied over a period of three centuries, so tightly in the end that
he lacked almost every civil right, while economically if he worked
on the land in a small way - as the great mass of Irish Catholics did
- he was usually only barely allowed to live."
Archbishop Walsh of Tuam wrote, "No country was ever so tried and tortured for the faith." He did not exaggerate, for few nations have had to endure so long a period of sustained oppression that sought to rob their people of their religious faith, their rights of citizenship and, in a vast majority of instances, their means of livelihood. They knew what it was to see their church outlawed, to find the door slammed on every hope of civil advancement and - for millions - to be kept in a state of impoverished servitude that put their very lives at the disposition of their masters.
From 1700 on, the average Irishman found himself deprived of the vote, of the right to sit in his own parliament, or to hold public office of any kind, either under the crown or in local administration. He could not buy, lend or take it on a long lease. If he was already a land-owner and determined to keep his religious faith he was likely to see his estate whittled down by ingratious laws into small parcels within two or three generations. He was subject to fines if he refused to attend Sunday worship in the Established Church, though the exactions of these fines were fitful. But there came periods when, his chapels pulled down and his priests hunted, all that was left for him to do was to take to the hills or woods to attend Mass offered on the altar of a convenient rock. He had seen the monasteries dissolved, pillaged and turned to secular use; he stood helpless while the monks and friars were scattered and his bishops were driven from their territories. He could not raise himself intellectually or culturally, for he could build no schools and those with money were not allowed to have their children educated abroad. The religious orders had been expelled and an iron curtain had been erected against the entry of priests from the continent. It was the aim of the government to let the Catholic Church in Ireland languish and die for lack of a clergy.
All this was the work of a small minority alien in race, culture and religion, who had increased their size by "planting" their own kind on land seized from the native Irish (see p. 87) and had gradually gathered power and the greater part of the wealth of the country into their hands. History has few comparable examples of a civilized people so completely and humiliatingly subjugated in the interests of so few.
English policy was coloured and shaped by its concern for security and its fear that an "Irish" Ireland would always be a convenient base for invading forces. Sir John Davies, Attorney General to Ireland declared as early as 1612 that Ireland would never be safe for England until the Irish in tongue and heart and everything else became English.
This latter conviction was shared by many other Englishmen that followed him, and all too frequently even to this day. Jill and Leon Uris47, discussing the present conflict in Northern Ireland, denounced this same attitude as follows:
"The British have a magnificent
sense of justice second to that of no other people on earth, but they
seem to abandon it when it comes to the Irish, whom they largely consider
to be a nation of quaint, lying, lazy, ignorant, shiftless drunks. When
a great power reduces a defeated people to where they have surrendered
even their dignity, nothing decent, holy or just gives that power any
right to condemn or berate those who have been victims of their creation."
Robertson continues,
"When it at last became
evident to the English that they could not assimilate the Irish, it
became England's aim to render them "harmless" by reducing
them to a state of abject servitude. The grand strategy of the English
- to force the Irish to conform or make them helpless to resist - explains
the length of the front along which the battle was waged. On one sector
operated the forces of religious oppression that at times blazed into
open persecution; on another was waged a war of attrition to erode the
wealth and political influence of the landed Irish Catholic; on a third,
the powerful, often absentee, Protestant landlords kept their feet firmly
planted on their small tenants and farm workers, and, indirectly, for
the sake of gain brought to hundreds of thousands death by starvation
or its associated disease. In the conflict, the Catholic landed gentry
all but disappeared - their lands having been filched from them or greatly
reduced - and all Catholics were deprived of the least vestige of political
power."
Nevertheless, the struggle continued and, with the help of well-disposed Protestants, Catholic Emancipation laws were finally enacted in 1829. Like his co-religious in Britain, the Irish Catholic, on paper at least, became "free to carry out the full obligations of his faith and was relieved of the disabilities that robbed him of his civil rights."
But, according to Robertson,
"The serfdom of the land workers and labourers continued, and the mass of the people went on suffering so atrociously that their story forms an all but incredible chapter in the world's chronicle of man's inhumanity to man. Home to millions of Irishmen was a one-roomed, windowless, mud cabin, often hardly with a stick of furniture. Their lives depended on the cultivation of a small plot for which they paid a sometimes extortionate rent. Their unvaried diet was potatoes and buttermilk. Rarely did they taste meat. At Christmas and Easter the labourer might be given some bacon by the farmer, but that was all the meat he tasted from one years end to another. Hunger and even disaster was potentially never far off. Every year after the exhaustion of their potato stocks and the arrival of the new crop they went hungry. They belonged to a great army of casual workers; few farms in Ireland being larger than 30 acres, there was little scope for permanent jobs. The labourer was unemployed for half the year and saw the money he earned when at work taken to pay for his small plot that was vital to his family's subsistence. So he lived from one year to another without security or hope and always in peril.
The eviction that followed failure to pay the rent was described by a contemporary as "death by slow torture", for without his little parcel of land he had literally nothing, not even food. Thousands were evicted through no fault of their own. Thrown helpless on the road, families, little children among them, had nowhere to go and no food to eat. They sought refuge in ditches and caves and burrowed under the roots of trees, or they swarmed into the towns begging bread.
Another factor added to the gravity of their situation. Toward the mid 1800's Ireland was the most densely populated country in Europe (8,200,000 in 1841), and there was not enough land to go round. This fact pushed up rents and forced farmers to divide their holdings with their married sons to provide them with a means to life. Ultimately, a family would live off as little as half an acre, and there were instances of holdings sufficient only for one family being made to support as many as ten families.
The great obstacle to obtaining
land, apart from the overcrowding, was the lack of money. The poverty
of the poor was absolute. They had nothing. It became common for land
to be advertised and sold to the man willing to pay the most, and the
man with little means found himself out of the running. The poor didn't
even start. Because of this, a system developed of selling a person
the right to grow a single crop. The poorest lived precariously in this
manner, knowing well that only a bumper yield from their half or quarter
acre stood between them and starvation. No other civilized country had
stooped to so merciless a system as this."
To Robertson's remarks, those of Edwin
C. Guillet46 may be added:
"In the 1830's conditions
became steadily worse in Ireland. Some 6,000,000 peasants were habitually
impoverished, and as a contemporary reviewer states "Whenever the
potato crop becomes even a slight degree deficient, which is found to
be the case once every five or six years, the scourge of famine and
disease is felt in every corner of the country."
The general course of events when families were ejected from their small holdings in Clare or Mayo was most terrifying: a murdered agent, the new tenants burned in their beds, a Rockite insurrection, the reading of the Insurrection Act, and a half dozen executions. Destitution prevailed while several million pounds' worth of provisions were annually being exported. As a sidelight on the misfortunes of Ireland it may be mentioned that there were in the country twenty-two Protestant bishops drawing £150,000 a year, and the rest of the Establishment, which Disraeli termed "an alien church", and Lord Macaulay "the most absurd of all the institutions of the civilized world", was receiving £600,000 more, largely from Roman Catholics, many of whom, supporting their own church as well, were in no position to contribute to any.
Robertson's (1975) account continues,
"The potato was the one thing that nourished the life of - and at intervals brought death to - a great section of the Irish people. In the 1840's half the rural population - more than three millions in Mayo, depended entirely on it. So that when it failed they faced starvation and many died.
The anxieties of the small holder were not confined to the specter of starvation, dread though that was. He lived in constant fear of expulsion from his holding. In most cases he held no lease but was a tenant "at will" which meant his landlord's will. Any irregularity with the rent was enough for a summons for him to go. "One of the great levers of the oppression", was a contemporary economists' description of the system. Well into the 19th century the government was passing laws consolidating the power of the landlords - making it easier, for example, to carry out evictions. On top of this, the tenant was saddled with the onus of paying tithe - that rightly was the obligation of the landlord - and here, too, he saw himself defrauded by the tithe "proctors" or "farmers" who undertook its collection on the understanding that they could take their profit. Little wonder that the small farmers and the peasants, seeing every man's hand raised against them, began to band together to resist. The more extreme joined secret societies which did not stop short of murder. So abuse bred countervailing abuse and the danger signals multiplied. A major confrontation seemed inevitable when catastrophe took another form. While the authorities still withheld their hand, the first shadows of tragedy moved across the land. The Great Famine had arrived."
Robertson's summary account of this tragic event can scarcely be improved upon:
"The authorities were alive to the gravity of the situation. They could hardly fail to be after a succession of potato crop failures - 24 of them - recorded from 1728 onwards. No fewer than 175 official bodies had been commissioned to report on the state of the country and everyone had warned of impending disaster, painting a picture of a country of vast unemployment and expanding population standing on the brink of starvation.
History presents the famine of 1845-49 as the event that changed the course of the national life by halving the population and sending the birth rate into decline. A population that, had it maintained its trend, would have reached 8.5 millions by 1851 fell instead to 6.5 millions and in another 50 years had dwindled to about four millions. One million people died in the famine from starvation and disease, and upwards of two million ultimately left the country.
In that period the people experienced such dreadful sufferings that today it seems incredible that they should have been allowed to bear them when a land of surplus lay so closely alongside, and had by conquest made itself responsible for the country's welfare. Incredible the situation indeed was, but monstrous, too. For the agony of the poor was intensified by the stupidity of officialdom and the callous greed of others who had no compunction about making a profit out of the extremes of anguish. Absentee landlords, many in heavy personal debt and mortgaged to the hilt from aristocratic overspending, ordered that those unable to meet their rents be evicted.
Others saw their chance to reclaim small farms and plots they now wanted for themselves through the wholesale eviction of their impoverished tenants. Land agents with military escorts razed tens of thousands of cottages to the ground, leaving their occupants homeless. At the same time other crops and livestock were seized. The pens at the shipping ports bulged with cattle for export. There was ample food within Ireland to prevent famine, but the landlords and business community would have no tampering with their profits. While people starved to death, cattle by the thousands were shipped to England. Shipowners and their agents packed emigrants with little food or water into leaking "coffin" ships, many of which sank with all on board. Those who survived the long voyage, had to endure conditions as terrible as those of the slavers. The infection brought on board spread rapidly, and death at sea cut great swathes through the over-crowded holds. Thousands arrived in Canada and the United States fever-ridden and died in the quarantine camps.
The famine at its height produced scenes of macabre horror, starvation and its concomitant ills changed human beings into dreadful caricatures, the deformities seeming to mock each other by assuming opposite forms. In the streets were "walking skeletons" and others bloated to twice sometimes three times their normal size. Emaciated children, with skull-like heads and grey, dry skin lay in the stupor of approaching death, while some, wizened into the appearance of old age, wandered around crying out for food. Starvation had stripped the hair from their heads, but caused it to grow on their faces, so that, to one observer, they looked like monkeys. Scurvy had robbed adults of their teeth and turned their legs black through the rupture of blood vessels.
Dead and dying lay on the roads and in the fields, many bodies half devoured by rats, dogs and even cats. Families lay dead in their homes for days and even more horrifying was the discovery of dead and dying together in the same rooms, the latter too weak to move the bodies. Labourers, normally men of great strength, collapsed from malnutrition at their jobs. Every town had its throngs of hungry people piteously begging for the food that was either not there or in so small a quantity as to be totally inadequate. Harassed officials did what they could, but it was little indeed. The people lived on anything they could find - nettles, weeds, roots and if lucky cabbage leaves.
In places, the dead were so many, that bodies were heaped together and burned; others found graves in fields and ditches, or under the ruins of their homes as relatives pulled down the cabins over them and fled. Those who caught the fever and other disease - which, it was estimated, caused nine-tenths of all deaths - lay in atrocious conditions in the tightly-packed workhouses and fewer hospitals, or the fever sheds built alongside them.
The famine reaped a particularly heavy harvest of death in County Mayo, the most densely populated and poorest of all Ireland's rural counties. In November, 1846, it contained 400,000 destitute people - the great majority of the inhabitants; so poor that the herring fishermen could not afford the salt needed to preserve their catch. Scattered over 2000 square miles, much of it bog and mountain, the people lived for the most part in earth huts, some even in holes with only one public dispensary in the whole county to serve them all. (Perhaps it was because our ancestors John Francis and Martin had built fieldstone homes in the Scottish tradition, that some of their descendants were able to survive.)
The few towns in Mayo, including
Castlebar and Westport soon filled with hordes of starving refugees
from the countryside looking for food. Westport, to a visitor, presented
a strange and fearful sight, like what we read of in beleagured cities,
crowded with gaunt wanderers sauntering to and fro with hopeless air
and hunger-struck look, a mob of starved, almost naked women around
the poorhouse clamouring for soup tickets. An exodus from the country
began and an army of the homeless and hungry started to move across
the country to the east and its emigrant ports."
James and Ann (Collins) McAlpine and Patrick and Bridget (McKeown) McAlpine avoided the Great Famine by emigrating to Canada in 1841 and 1843 respectively. But James brother Martin, who emigrated to Buffalo, N.Y., in 1855 and Patrick's brother, John, who emigrated to Canada in 1847 suffered its full effects, as did all those who remained behind. Faced with such horrible conditions in County Mayo, for the whole of their lives, it is no wonder that so many of our ancestors emigrated to the New World. The great wonder is that any of them managed to survive long enough to reach it! But somehow, by the grace of God, they did survive both on the "auld sod" and in the New World.
Much of the credit for the survival of the Irish people through three centuries of English oppression must go to their dedicated faith and to the clergy who served them throughout the ordeal. In an otherwise rather hypercritical appraisal of the performance of the Catholic hierarchy of Ireland, especially during the nineteenth century, Jill and Leon Uris47 concluded with this remarkably candid statement: "With all said and done there is but one basic truth: Without the Catholic religion and the priesthood, the Irish race would not have survived."
One of the priests who was truly devoted to his parishioners and to the improvement of the lot of all Irish people from about 1875 to 1932 was the Rt. Rev. Monsignor Patrick McAlpine, Vicar-General of Tuam. (Fig. ) Since he is perhaps the most widely known of our Irish relatives and the one who made it possible for us to reassemble many details of our early ancestry, it is fitting to review his life and death.
As noted earlier, Monsignor Patrick was a son of Patrick, the eldest son of John Francis (see Chart 5). Genealogical details of all his brothers and sisters and their descendants are shown in Chart 6, originally compiled by Walter M. Allen and his family.
In May, 1975 my wife, Naomi, and I spent about a week with Monsignor Patrick's nephew John McAlpine, (son of Monsignor Patrick's twin brother James) then 73, who lived at Ballyvary (= Keelogues). At that time John (d. Feb. 14, 1983) was living with his niece and her husband and family of three in a relatively new home that he had built beside this original home and birthplace. The original old home, then fallen in and derelict, was purchased by John's grandparents, Patrick and Bridget (Hyland) McAlpine, so that it is also the birthplace of John's father James and his twelve brothers and sisters, including Monsignor Patrick. The church at Keeloughs (built in 1841) stands across the street from the old homestead. We also visited the cemetery at Keelogues and located the graves of Patrick and Bridget, and their son James and his wife (John's parents). John's sister Delia (McAlpine) Corley was buried in the same cemetery, but his brother, Rev. Patrick F. McAlpine (d. Sept. 14, 1974), is buried in the churchyard, beside the original home and a number of other priests from Keelogues.
On May 25, John and I drove to Clifden, Co. Galway, and there we visited the grave of Monsignor Patrick McAlpine, beside St. Joseph's Cathedral, where he was the parish priest for 35 years. John described his uncle, the Monsignor, as a moderately large man, very jovial and generous, a great orator and in constant demand for after dinner speeches. He amused everyone with his quick wit and humourous stories. While in Clifden we met a Mr. Percy Stanley who, as a child, knew Monsignor Patrick. The Monsignor used to visit their home regularly. Sometimes during these visits he would line up all the children and give each of them a crown. These were very memorable occasions in their lives.
Several accounts that appeared in the Connaght Tribune (Saturday, November 19, 1932) following the death of Monsignor Patrick (Sunday, November 13, 1932), tell us much about him and his family, the conditions under which he lived, and his life, work and character. The following extracts (p. 5) are of particular interest:
"A Notable Irish Priest
Passing of a Great Churchman
Right Rev. Monsignor McAlpine,
P.P., V.G., Clifden
Clifden and the whole diocese of Tuam mourns the passing of a revered priest in the death of the Right Rev. Monsignor McAlpine, P.P., V.G., which occurred at the Presbytery, Clifden on Sunday evening.
Although having attained the age of 85, the Monsignor was quite active and energetic up to a month ago when he attended a meeting of the Cleggan Disaster Fund, of which he was one of the principal trustees, in Dublin. At the close of the meeting he was taken ill and on his return to Clifden did not again appear in public.
Born (Jan. 6, 1847) at Keeloughs, County Mayo, he was one of a family of thirteen and studied for the priesthood at Maynooth and in Montreal (Canada) and had a distinguished academic career. He was ordained 55 years ago, administering as a curate in many Mayo parishes, including Irishtown, where he built a number of schools, Ballindine and Aughamore.
When he became P.P. he was appointed to Milltown and on the death of Rev. Canon Lynskey, P.P., came to Clifden close on 35 years ago.
The Monsignor was closely identified with the Land League and was a lifelong friend of the late Michael Davitt. When Michael Davitt came to Clifden to address a meeting about 30 years ago, following the failure of the potato crop, he was a guest of the Monsignor, who presided at Davitts meeting and made the historic pronouncement that so long as there were sheep on the hillside and kine grazing on the plains, there was no reason why there should be another '47.
Land league Struggle. The British Press made considerable capital out of the Monsignor's pronouncement on that occasion. He was very prominent in the Land League Struggle in Mayo. His people were evicted tenants and so he had a thorough knowledge of the hardships and injustices they suffered. (For a proper understanding of this episode of Irish history and its effect on the people of Co. Mayo, read Chapters 73-75 of Seumas MacManus'50 book.)
He was prominently identified with public affairs during his 35 years at Clifden. he was in the C.D. Board for a number of years and was mainly instrumental in moving that body on many occasions to start relief schemes to improve the conditions of the people in Connemara. He was also a member of the local pensions committee and one of the principal trustees of the Cleggen Fishing Disaster Fund.
The dignity of Canon was conferred on him by the late Archbishop McEvilly and he was appointed Domestic Prelate to His Holiness the Pope in 1916. His brother, Francis McAlpine, was Burser at Blackrock College, Dublin, and one sister is a nun in the United States. His twin brother, James McAlpine, father of the Rev. Patrick F. McAlpine, P.P. Mississippi, U.S.A., died in 1927.
Monsignor McAlpine was beloved by his parishioners in Clifden parish where he spent the greater part of his life in his priestly office. His ready wit was a characteristic of his outstanding personality. He was a zealous pastor, and through his untiring efforts made the Clifden Parish Church what it is today, an edifice of which any congregation might be proud. He completed the spire which was only begun when he came to Clifden, and installed the bells and electric light to illuminate the spire. He also improved the two Churches, Ballyconneely and Cladaghduff, and went to the United States some years ago to collect funds for the building of the Clifden Town Hall - one of the finest structures of its kind in the Province.
Fluent Irish Speaker. He was a fluent Irish speaker. He was hospitable to a fault and never felt happy unless he had some of his friends or parishioners to share his board. In fact, everybody was welcome at his festive board.
He was mindful of the development of the district and one of his dreams was that there would be a pier in Clifden enjoying a good sea trade. In the old days of the British regime he went to London with the object of pushing the development of Clifden as a sea-faring town.
A great nationalist, the Monsignor championed the cause of his flock through the most difficult periods in Irish politics. He was a believer in constitutional principles and never countenanced extreme measures of any kind to achieve political ends.
When the Anglo-Irish difficulties were settled in 1922, Monsignor McAlpine supported the Treaty Party unflinchingly, and did so up to the time of his death.
He celebrated his Golden Jubilee in 1927. His Grace, the Archbishop of Tuam, and about forty of his old curates visited him on the occasion which was also marked by a handsome presentation from the townspeople and of the parish.
On Sunday morning the prayers of the congregation were asked for the Monsignor who was then sinking fast. He was constantly attended by the Rev. J.F. Mullarkey, C.C., Clifden, and died a peaceful and happy death, fortified by the rites of the Holy Church. His nephew, Rev. Patrick McAlpine, P.P. (Mississippi), who only returned to Ireland on a holiday a few weeks ago, was with him at the last.
Clifden is in general mourning
for its dead pastor. Up to a late hour on Sunday night, numbers of townspeople
flocked to the Presbytery to see the beloved Monsignor lying in state."
A second article followed the above:
"Funeral Obsequies - Striking Tribute from His Grace, the Archbishop.
The most Rev. Dr. Gilmartin, Archbishop of Tuam, presided at the Office and Solemn Requiem Mass at Clifden on Tuesday morning. The celebrant was the Rev. Patrick McAlpine, P.P., Mississippi (nephew); Rev. Father Colgan, Cleggan, deacon; Rev. M. Hennelly, Ballyconneely, sub-deacon; Rev. J.F. Mullarkey, C.C., Clifden, master of ceremonies. Over 60 priests from the Diocese of Tuam and many parts of Mayo attended, as well as a large congregation representative of every section and class in the community.
After Requiem Mass, the remains were blessed by the Archbishop. The burial took place at the foot of a statue of the Sacred Heart in the Church grounds.
Speaking from the pulpit, Archbishop Gilmartin paid a striking tribute to the Monsignor, in the course of which he said, "The people of the whole diocese and the priests will miss a familiar figure - always a genial figure- that loomed very large in the secular and ecclesiastical life of the country over the past fifty years. We are poorer in the loss of a colleague in whom was realized the best traditions of the Irish priesthood ... a faithful and watchful shepherd. In his death we have lost a link with the late John McHale who was archbishop in 1878. it is now 54 years since, as a young student, Monsignor McAlpine was raised to the priesthood. His first mission was the parish that afterwards became famous - the parish of Kilvine - and then Irishtown. The sympathy of that great Prelate who died three years later, in 1881, for the down-trodden people of that time, evidently infected the young curate for he took an active part in the formation of the Land League with Michael Davitt. And during all the succeeding 54 years of his mission, he was a faithful friend of the tenant farmers of the country as well as a zealous priest.
His merits were duly recognized
by his superiors because he was appointed to this important parish of
Clifden in 1898 by the then Archbishop, Dr. McEvilly, who created him
a Canon of the Cathedral Chapter. The next Archbishop, Dr. Healy, appointed
him Vicar-General in 1910, and asked the Holy Father to raise him to
the Prelacy. He was appointed Domestic Prelate in 1915. In 1918 he was
appointed a member of the C.D.B. and remained an active member of that
Board until its dissolution. Today, we are all assembled here to pray
for the repose of his soul. There are many lessons that we may learn
from his character and career - love for the beauty of God's House,
hospitality, love for the poor, and genuine patriotism. His death conveys
to us all the old lesson that is ever new - the lesson that he is wise
who lives for eternity more than for time, because even the longest
day has an end. May his soul rest in peace."
A list of all the clergy and important personalia who attended the funeral was also included. An editorial commentary on his death, as follows, appeared on page 6 of the same issue:
"The Great Dead - By the death of Right Rev. Monsignor McAlpine, P.P., V.G., Clifden, the Archdiocese of Tuam has been bereft of a great and gentle priest, and Ireland, particularly the west of Ireland, a noble son. Death with Pontifical hand has led him from the scene of almost half a century's labour for the great Christian and social principles of which he was a shining example in his own person. In his sacerdotal capacity and in his life high honours came to him unsought, and the exact co-relative of his unselfishness in seeking was his humility in carrying them. Richly downered with the characteristics that are inseparable from great and noble minds, his generosity and hospitality were outstanding, and the unbending iron of his character was almost unseen in the urbanity which he opposed to all the crudities and struggles of life. He served God and loved his country with a fullness and completeness that surmounted all obstacles, and no personal sacrifice was too great to bring to the altar of Faith and Charity. He was instinct with the virtues of our race and, added to virtues peculiarly his own, he so typified all that was loveable that his passing is felt as a personal loss by the many thousands who knew him only by kindly repute. Buried beside the Church he loved and laboured to build, where the Western waves sing his requiem and the mountains lovingly fold his mortal remains, the monument above him is appropriate indeed. By the plinth of a statue to him whose first miracle was a miracle for friendship's sake, he sleeps; and in the hearts of his people the inscription that marks another great Irish priest's grave stands out luminous above the trappings of his tomb: Where abidest Thou Rabbi? Come and see."
The first of the Mayo McAlpines to emigrate to the New World was a John McAlpin, born in County Mayo, probably about 1790. If our assumption (p. 124) that Secretary John McAlpin (alias John McAlister) fled from Scotland to Mayo following his defection from the Jacobite forces in 1745-6, this John McAlpin (note absence of the final e) may well be a grandson of Secretary John McAlpin. At any rate, John married Cecelia Gibbons also from County Mayo and they raised a family of three sons and two daughters: Patrick, Michael Matthew, Bridget Ann and John, born in County Mayo, and Maria, the youngest, born near Sherbrooke, Quebec. In 1831 the family sailed from Sligo to Canada, on the sailing vessel Eleanor. After a voyage lasting five weeks and three days, they landed at Montreal, Quebec and settled near Sherbrooke where they resided for five years. During that time, John and his family cleared a farm in Eaton Township.
An early historical account of this family, especially as it relates to John and Cecelia's son, Patrick, is given in a Biographical History of Crawford, Ida and Sac Counies, Iowa35. I am very grateful to Thomas Kershaw, Seattle, Washington, a great-great-grandson of Patrick McAlpin, for first bringing this important article to my attention.
In August 1991 I received a telephone call from Peter McAlpin 2422 N. Pacific Ave. Santa Anna, Calif. followed by a visit. He is also a descendant of John and Cecelia (Gibbons) McAlpin. He referred me to his cousin George E. MacVeigh, 9313 Renshaw Drive, Bethesda, MD, another descendant of John and Cecelia. Mr. MacVeigh compiled a very complete genealogical account of the descendants of John and Cecelia, which was recently published in the genealogical account of McAlpin(e)s by Mrs. Doris McAlpin Russel, 8600 Hickory Hill Lane, Huntsville Alabama4. Previously, Mr. McVeigh had also updated an unpublished article on John and Cecelia's family, entitled The Migration of a Family, first prepared by Helen McCalpin in 1937 (revised in 1967). Helen McCalpin was a great granddaughter of John and Cecelia (Gibbons) McAlpin, and her article gives a more complete and a more accurate account of the family than is contained in the "Biographical History of Crawford, Ida and Sec Counties (Iowa)"35. All of the genealogical data that is now known about John and Cecelia's descendants is contained in Doris McAlpin Russel's book4 and need not be repeated here.
In September 1992, I received information from F. Wm. McCalpin, St. Louis, Missouri, concerning the discovery of a death record of a John Calpin, of Kilmoremoy Catholic Parish, who died on July 11, 1827, aged 60 years. Mr. McCalpin had engaged the genealogical research services of Richard W. Price and Associates of Salt Lake City, Utah, and they found the above entry in "Kilmoremoy Catholic Parish Deaths 1827", reproduced in County Mayo Chronicles #9, March 1990. They report that "This parish was located in the northeastern corner of Mayo on the border of Sligo County. John's calculated birthdate of 1767 would be appropriate for the father of the direct-line Owen/John McAlpin born about 1790." This information dove-tails well with my own conjectures expressed earlier, i.e., that the John McAlpin who married Cecelia Gibbons may be a grandson of Secretary John McAlpin.
Two of John Francis and Marion (Maquire) McAlpine's sons emigrated in 1841. James, who married Ann Collins in 1840 went to Erinsville, Lennox and Addington Co., Ontario with their eldest child, Margaret (see chart 5). They left no account of their migration. James remained there as a farmer until his death in 1873. In 1855, Martin, brother of James, emigrated to Patterson, New Jersey, U.S.A., where he and his wife lived out their lives (see Chart 5).
Two of Martin I's sons also emigrated to Erinsville. Patrick, with his wife Bridget McKeown and five young sons, started out to join their first cousin, James, and his family at Erinsville in 1843. During the voyage Patrick and his two youngest sons died and were buried at sea. His wife, Bridget McKeown later remarried, this time to Michael Donahoe, originally from County Wexford Ireland, but then living at Erinsville. They farmed for the rest of their lives at Erinsville. Patricks three eldest sons, John, Michael, and James all eventually emigrated to U.S.A. (see Chart 5 and Chapter 12). Martin I's second son, John, with his wife, Ann (Nancy) McKeown (sister of Bridget McKeown) and the first three of their family of eleven children, emigrated to Erinsville in 1847. Details of their subsequent movement in Canada and the U.S.A. are given on p. 146 (also see Chart 5 and Chapter 13).
Thus, four of the six members of the first generation in County Mayo, emigrated to America between 1841 and 1855.
Three of the seven descendants of John Francis' oldest son, Patrick, emigrated to the U.S.A. Ellen, better known as Sister Mary Peter, a nun of St. Joseph's Order came to Buffalo, New York, in 1863. Her brother Martin came out to Corning, N.Y. in 1871, following his marriage to Catherine Loftus. Her sister Mary also came to Patterson, N.J., where she married Patrick Flynn, and raised a family of three (see Chart 6).
Two of five members of Martin II's son Patrick's first family emigrated to New York, N.Y., namely two daughters Sabina and Bridget. They were associated with the McAlpin Hotel in New York City, an institution that survives to the present day under the same name (see p.149). Sabina died before Bridget. Bridget married late in life to a Gannon who inherited the estates of both Sabina and Bridget.
Only one of the five members of Patrick's second marriage left Ireland. Her name was Bridget McAlpine; she married a Maloney and they lived in Philadelphia, Penn.
All three daughters of James and Ann (Feerick) McAlpine, emigrated to the U.S.A. Ellen, married an O'Dwyer and lived in New York; Mary married Thos. Dooley and also lived in New York; and Margaret married a Ward and lived in Newark N.J. (see Chart 7). Margaret (Peg), daughter of James and Bridget (McAlpine) McAlpine, went to California, U.S.A., where she married Joseph Quinn. They lived at 8012 Darry St., Lemon Grove, Calif. (near Sacramento). (see Chart 8). A sister of Peg's mother, Bridget (McAlpine) McAlpine, emigrated to Philadelphia, Penn. her name was Anne McAlpine and she married Peter Conway (see Chart 9). Anne's brother Thomas also emigrated to Philadelphia for a few years, but then joined the armed forces, and was killed in Avonnes, France in the First World War.
As indicated previously, the James McAlpine referred to here is the one named in the main title of this account. His position in the family tree is best envisioned by referring to Chart 5. James (Fig. ) is believed to be the youngest of John Francis and Marion (Maguire) McAlpine's family (Patrick, Martin and James), but we cannot be certain. It is possible that James' brother, Martin, who emigrated to Patterson, N.J. in 1855, is younger than James. We know from family tradition that James and his two brothers were all born at Skehogue, Burren, near Castlebar, County Mayo, in Ireland.
The 1861 Census of Canada West, Lennox and Addington County, 227 Sheffield Township, File no. 1047, Canadian Archives, Ottawa, Ontario, is the oldest documental record we have of James and his family. The 1842 Census of Canada is missing in the Canadian National Archives, and the 1851 Census, Roll C947, contains no names of any McAlpines. The data recorded in the 1861 Census by enumerator Michael C. Murphy is tabulated as follows:
Marital
Name Occupation Born Married Age Status
1. James McKelpin Farmer Ireland 1840 55 M
Ann McKelpin Housekeeper Ireland 1840 40 M
2. Margaret McKelpin Ireland 20 S
3. John McKelpin Labourer Canada West 18 S
4. James McKelpin Labourer Canada West 16 S
5. Patrick McKelpin Canada West 14 S
6. Ann McKelpin Canada West 12 S
7. Chrine McKelpin Canada West 9 S
8. Michael McKelpin Canada West 7 S
9. Thomas McKelpin Canada West 5 S
10. Martin McKelpin Canada West 3 S
11. Anthony McKelpin Canada West 1
S
File no.1047 also records that James McKelpin was a farmer in District No.1, in Sheffield Township, and lived in a log house which he built in 1848. His farm, consisted of 300 acres which included Lot 19, in Concession 4. At that time, 32 acres were under cultivation. In 1861, James owned four cows which produced about 200 pounds of butter valued at $225.00. Except for the age given for James and the spelling of the surname McAlpine, this data appears to be relatively accurate.
The information inscribed on James tombstone in the Parish Cemetery, Church of the Assumption, Erinsville, Ontario, states that he "Died Oct. 11, 1873, aged 60 yrs." This places the year of his birth as 1813. It is believed that this is a more accurate indication of James' age than that given in the 1861 Census, where it is stated that his age in 1861 was 55. If the Census statement were true, it would mean that James was 15 years older than his wife, which seems unlikely.
It is reasonable to accept that James and Ann were married in Ireland in 1840, and that their eldest child Margaret was born in Ireland in 1841. We know from this record and others that their next child, John, was born in Erinsville, on June 24, 1842. From this we can assume they emigrated from County Mayo, while their first-born was an infant-in-arms, and that they probably arrived in Erinsville in the summer of 1841.
There is no record of the ship on which they crossed the Atlantic. If it was like the other ships of the 'emmigrant run', it was a "floating pigsty-cramped, foetid and diseased-ridden. Designed to transport large numbers of human cattle at the greatest possible profit for the owners. These sea-going charnel-houses were periodically subject to outbreaks of 'ships fever' or typhus, which killed unknown thousands of poor Irish immigrants" (including Patrick McAlpine and two of his sons, see p. 146) on the sea and after their landing. Perhaps the best single description of the almost unbelieveable hardships and sufferings endured before, during and following the voyage from Ireland to America is found in Guillet's account46.
In spite of the difficulties, however, James, Ann, and little Margaret survived and finally arrived at Erinsville, Canada West, some time in 1841. Here they were reunited with Ann's parents and family. What a happy occasion that reunion must have been!
At that time the Colonial Government was selling 50 and 100 acre lots at five shillings an acre, and probably with the assistance of the Collins family (Ann's parents), a lot was acquired for James and Ann, perhaps even before they arrived. There is a gap in the history of the family during their early years in Upper Canada. Like all new settlers, their first task would be to make a clearing, and then to build a log shanty with a roof thatched with balsam boughs and wild grass. Cracks between the logs were stuffed with mud and moss. The hearth was probably a circle of stones on the floor, and no doubt at first there was no chimney, but merely a hole in the roof. It is certain, however, that James and Ann's first year in America was made much easier by assistance provided them by Ann's parents and family who preceded them to Erinsville.
Our family records tell us that James wife Ann "Nancy" Collins, (Fig. ) born in Castlebar, County Mayo, in 1820, was a daughter of James and Margaret (Lemay) Collins. It is clear from the 1861 Census of Canada West that Ann's parents and her brothers and sisters emigrated to Erinsville several years prior to 1841. This Census indicates that Ann's father and mother were married in 1817 in Ireland. Her fathers' tombstone in the Parish Cemetery at Erinsville, states that he died May 29, 1864, at age 76. A letter, dated Sept. 21, 1877, from Ann to her son James, indicates her mother was alive, but in poor health in 1877. In 1861, the Collins had a 200 acre farm which included Lot 18, Concession 3, of which 50 acres were cultivated (For more data on the Collins family, see Appendix ).
The James McAlpine and Collins properties were situated diagonally across the road from each other on the north side of River Clare, several miles north of Erinsville, on the main road from Napanee to Kaladar (Now Ontario Highway 41). An old map of Sheffield Township48 shows the precise location of all the lots and concessions and their owners in Sheffield Township in 1878. The McAlpine property was attributed to Mrs. Nancy McCalpin, her husband James having died in 1873. At that time she also owned 100 acres in Lot 19, Concession 3, i.e., the lot immediately west of her father's homestead. The neighbours then bordering her property included, John Mullen, Thomas Flannigan, James Hopkins, James Calpin, Myles, Chas McGuire, Henry Roach, John Finn, John Mathews, Luw Collins, M. Flanigan, and John Mullholland.
The original James McAlpine lot (lot 19, Conc. 4) extended eastward beyond the River Clare and had very extensive frontage on two enlargements of the river called Calpin Lake and Indian Lake. A long hill on the main road north of their farm is called McCalpin Hill.
Most of the land in the area is hilly, with rocky outcrops and swampy depressions. The soil is of poor quality, gravelly or sandy loam, copiously supplied with stones and boulders. Such as it was, this land was plentiful, and I suppose for those who left the intolerably miserable conditions in County Mayo in the 1840's, it afforded welcome relief in many ways. There was plenty of wild game and fish close at hand, and the tillable ground, when they got it cleared, was no worse than what they had always known in Ireland.
In the face of what would now seem to be almost insurmountable difficulties involved in providing food, shelter and clothing for themselves and their livestock, clearing land, and eking out an existence in a new country, this family, like most of those around them, thrived. By the time their first-born girl, Margaret, was twenty, she had seven brothers and two sisters, ranging from eighteen years down to the last baby, just one year old. Imagine coping with the needs of all these people in an essentially, one-room log house with a loft!
Until about 1850, the parish of Erinsville was attended by a priest from Centreville, who walked all the way, following the blazed trails and carrying his vestments and other requirements for Mass. Mass was celebrated in whatever shanty or barn was available at the time. Some of the early residents could later say "I was baptized or married in so-and-so's barn". Tradition has it that in the autumn of 1843, Ann (Collins) McAlpine carried their new born son, James (my grandfather) (in company with a Mrs. Kiloran who also carried her baby), from their shanty on the River Clare, to a church in Kingston in order to have him baptized. The course they travelled would be well over 50 miles each way. Land was made available for a church and cemetery in Erinsville in 1849, and the construction of a frame church was begun. It was replaced by the present stone Church of the Assumption in 1870 under the leadership of Father Stanton. In a letter dated Sept. 21, 1887, James' wife Ann (Collins) McAlpine stated that "Father Stanton was the best friend I ever had; he was better to me than my own father and mother".
All ten of James and Ann's children obtained their elementary educations in the local school, which, from the 1878 map of Sheffield Township, seems to have been located on the Collins' property. In addition to their basic "academic" education, Ann instructed them in the traditional art of Irish dancing - a trait that has been carried on in some descendant families for at least four generations.
In July, 1970 my son John Gordon and I first visited the old Erinsville homestead, along with Michael Leo McAlpine, Marysville, Ontario, and Tim McGrath, then 71 years of age, from Erinsville. Mr. McGrath took us to visit the old house (Fig. ) just north of the River Clare, between Calpin Lake and McCalpin Hill on the east side of Highway 41. The original log home was was covered over with cove-siding and the remaining log buildings were in poor repair. The property was then owned by a James Murphy who lived nearby, and the house was occupied by tenants. The sturdy stone fences built by James and his family from huge granite boulders provided lasting evidence of their physical strength and indomitable pioneering spirit. Mr. McGrath also conducted us on a tour around the old farming community where we visited the homesteads of original neighbours, including Collins, Donahoe's, Murphy's, Flannigan's, Flynn's, McInally's Cassidy's, McKeown's, and many others. The site of the old schoolhouse that the family attended was still there, as were the ruins of the Mellon Hotel, a Government House, where they gathered for social conversation and merriment. Mr. McGrath stated that old timers recounted how the family of James and Ann often danced and sang for the people gathered at the "hotel". We ended our tour with a visit to the Parish cemetery where the remains of James and two of his daughters, Margaret (McAlpine) Donovan and Catherine (McAlpine) Hunt are interred. Mr. McGrath attended their graves about 1927-8 at the request of James' sons, James, Patrick, and Michael, for the sum of $8.
James' grandson, James Francis (the oldest of James' son James) informed me in 1964 that James was a rather small man. He recalled that he had died suddenly while working in one of their fields, probably from a heart attack. This James Francis (my uncle Frank) visited the old homestead in 1904. At that time it was occupied by a Mr. Proulx and his family, who continued to live there for a long time after that.
We have very little personal information about James. It is not even known if he could read and write. He seems to have been well-respected by, and devoted to his family. Five of his children (John, James, Patrick, Anne, and Catherine) each named their eldest son "James" after their paternal grandfather - a traditional Celtic custom. We know that he journeyed about one hundred miles on foot from his home on the River Clare to Doyles Corners (now Maynooth) in 1861-2 and located for five hundred acres of Crown Property in Concession 5 of Monteagle Township, Hastings County. He later purchased the five 100-acre lots involved at 50¢ per acre (including timber and mineral rights) and gave them to his four oldest sons as follows:
John: Lots 18, 19 (now owned by Mrs. Gwen McAlpine)
James: Lot 20 (now owned by Michael Joseph McAlpine Jr.)
Patrick: Lot 21 (owned by John P. McAlpine, then Joseph Levesque, then Archie Green)
Michael: Lot 22 (now owned by Percy Hinze)
In the interest of attracting settlement in the area at that time, the Commissioner of Crown Lands was offering whole townships of virgin land on the edge of the Precambrian Shield between the Ottawa River and Georgian Bay. Buyers were responsible for completing surveys, maintaining roads and settling the land quickly.
A copy of the original deed for all this property is in the possession of Michael Joseph McAlpine Jr., Bancroft, Ontario. James four oldest boys John, James, Patrick, and Michael went back to Monteagle within the next few years and built settlers shanties on Lot 19 (John's property) and Lot 21 (Patrick's property, later purchased by Patrick's brother James). These shanties served as the first homes of both John and James following their marriages in 1868 and 1877, respectively.
James wife, Ann "Nancy" (Collins) McAlpine could read and write well. She seems to have been an unusually capable woman in many ways, and took an active part in family and community affairs. When her husband died in October 1873, their two youngest children, Martin, fifteen, and Anthony, thirteen, were still at home. The next older boy, Tom, left home about 1871 when he was only 15 years of age, to join his older brothers, Michael and James, and other relatives in Minnesota. At about the same time as James died, or shortly before, their eldest daughter Margaret, who married Andrew Donovan from Erinsville, died prematurely, and Ann accepted the duty of raising their little daughter, Johanna Donovan, until she was able to care for herself. Another family tragedy occurred about 1875-76. At that time James and Ann's third daughter, Catherine, who married Timothy "Tadie" Hunt also from Erinsville, died shortly after the birth of their only child, Patrick James Hunt. This child was raised by Catherine's brother, Patrick McAlpine, and his wife, Catherine Hunt, a sister of Timothy Hunt.
I have eleven letters, dating from May 13, 1877 to Nov. 4, 1892, that Ann wrote to her son James following the latter's marriage to Maria Donahoe, Jan. 29, 1877. These letters provide many details about Ann and her family during that period, as well as some interesting insight into her personality and interests.
In the spring of 1877, Ann accepted an invitation from Father Stanton, the priest who had been previously stationed at Erinsville to spend a month at Westport, Ontario. Two weeks later her son, Martin, fell seriously ill and she was called home to care for him. In a letter to James, Sept. 2, 1877 she said,
"I got a telegram from
Pat that Martin was dying and started on the cars from Kingston. I came
to Napanee, and then had to go to Lonsdale. I stayed there two weeks
more taking care of him. He was out of his head when I came there, and
Anthony and Ann (McAlpine, married to Henry McKeown) were there ahead
of me. I had to stay up every night to give him medicine, and the doctor
was there three or four times a day for a week. He never got well until
I sent for the priest, Father Mackie. The priest was only gone about
a half an hour when he was back to his right senses again. He is well
now, but is living with Pat yet. My mother got hurt after I came from
Lonsdale, and I had to sit night and day with her for a week. At last,
I was nearly as bad as herself, and have very bad health those last
two weeks. Ann has not very good health either. She is fretting, that
she will be the next one that will die. Henry (Henry McKeown, Ann McAlpine's
husband) is well, but the two young ones are sick with the hooping cough."
At that time Ann had, a neighbour, Nicholas Kearns, engaged to do her farm work. He had "the two barns full, and forty bushels of rye in. Flour is six dollars. The two colts look well, and wheat is one dollar a bushel."
A year later, in a letter dated Oct. 8, 1878, she reported that:
"Martin came home the
first of August and he and Anthony are working the place. We got a letter
from Mike and Tom. Mike is in Dakota Territory fighting the Indians.
Tom is in Wisconsin. I am going up (to Maynooth) this winter and I want
to know how far you live from Perry's Bridge on the Madawaska River.
I heard this summer it was a great deal shorter to go that way. Let
me know if you and Johnny want any kind of a load (of supplies) and
I will bring it up. Let me know if that rooster is fattened yet! Johannah
wants Maria to get the baby's (Bridget Ann) picture taken and send it
down. Let me know if she is walking yet. I bought a yoke of oxen for
eighty dollars. The colts would not be able to do all the work. Anthony
and Martin have thirty-five bushels of rye in."
The route followed by Ann was known as the Addington Colonization Road. According to a recent article by John Keith, "Up the Addington Colonization Road", in The Country Connection, No. 19, Autumn 1993, pp. 19-25, it was commonly called the Perry Road, after two brothers who had it built, Provincial Land surveyor A.B. Perry and Ebenezer Perry, the land agent for the settlement of the road area. This road started at the Clare River in front of Ann and James' home, just outside of Erinsville, and twisted its way northward over hills and through swamps, to Kaladar, then known as Scowten, thence along the shore of Mazinaw Lake, across the Mississippi River, to Denbigh, then called the German Settlement, thence northeasterly across the Madawaska River at Perry's Bridge near Griffith, thence northwesterly through what is now Quadville to the Peterson Road at Rockingham. The Peterson Road then led westward via Combermere to Maynooth, passing within a mile of James and John McAlpines' new homes in Monteagle. Keith noted that "The trip from Kaladar to Denbigh (about 63 miles) along the old colonization road in the 19th century took the better part of two days to complete. It was a tiring and sometimes painful experience, up and down endless hills, over bumpy corduroy and around the rocks and tree stumps". The entire distance covered by Ann with her horse and sleigh-load of provisions was well over 150 miles, and would require at least four overnight rest stops.
Ann made several such winter trips to Maynooth from Erinsville apparently alone. On her last trip, about 1893-4, she came back to James home with tentative plans to stay there. However, she returned to her son Patrick's home in Marysville, Ontario, where she lived most of the time until her death in 1899.
In a letter dated April 10, 1882, Ann made the following remarks about her family:
"I received a letter from
Mike about two weeks ago (Mike was looking for a payment from his brother
James, on the Monteagle property James had purchased from Mike). I sent
it up to you right off. Anthony stays at home all the time, but Martin
went driving the river this morning. He was in the woods all winter.
You wanted to know where Johanna is. She is with Ann (married to Henry
McKeown). She left me before Christmas. Henry and family is well except
Ann. She is getting poor health. Johanna does stay with her all the
time. I was glad to hear that you had another heir (Margaret Mary).
If you don't stop playing the fiddle you will soon have a houseful.
Let me know if James Francis throws the pillows out of the bed yet,
and how Bridget Ann is."
On April 3, 1884 she wrote an interesting letter to James while visiting her friend, Bridget McLaughlin, in Belleville, Ontario. It seems Bridget's brother, Edward, had had a narrow escape at the local tavern, the details of which Ann described as follows:
"James, you never heard
about the fight Ed McLaughlin got into last fall - how near the blood-hounds
came to killing him. He was drinking in Erinsville and the Flanagans
got Dick Finn to stab him. He never knew anything about it until they
had him nearly killed. Then they let him out for a race after Dick Finn.
Me and Frank McLaughlin went to Tamworth on Sunday morning and got the
Constables. Just when Finn was coming out of the church after Mass they
met - just coming up to the church. Anthony and Frank took out after
Finn through Detlor's fields, and they caught him in a few jumps. The
Constables took him like a dog and put him in McLaughlin's wagon. Frank
took him to goal in spite of the dirty set. Anthony wanted to crucify
him right on the spot. Ned, the big fool, settled it at the trial, but
Finn cleared out of the country, and I think he is better out of Ned's
sight."
In a letter dated Oct. 12, 1884, she sent her son James two letters from J.M. Deroche, Barrister, Belleville, Ontario, requesting an affidavit from James affirming the improvements he had made on his property in Monteagle, in order to have his deed on that property patented. In the letter she informed James, as follows, about his brother Pat's new farm:
"I was out with Pat last
Friday to see the farm he bought in Tyendinaga. It is the Widow Sweeney's
place near the church. It is the nicest farm around Napanee. He paid
$8000.00 for it; he put $5000.00 down on it."
Pat's new home always remained in the hands of his descendants. His grandson Leo McAlpine farmed the property all his life, and is now living alone in the original stone house facing onto Old Highway No. 2 just west of Holy Name of Mary Church, Marysville, Ontario.
In the spring of 1887, Ann became very ill with a lung infection and was admitted to Hotel Dieu Hospital, in Kingston, Ontario. There she was attended by a Dr. Sullivan, and nursed by a native of Erinsville, Sister Hopkins, for several months. During that time Sister Hopkins wrote to James and Maria for Ann (Jan. 15, and Feb. 11, 1887). Sister Hopkins and Maria had gone to school together in Erinsville. In the Feb. 11, letter, Sister reported that
"Mrs. McAlpine is doing
as well as can be expected. The Doctor said last evening that she would
be well enough to leave here next week. She is very happy and content
here. She desires kind remembrances to all. Please to give word to John
(Ann's son John also living in Monteagle) and I will not write him.
Pat was to see her last week. Mike and Thomas have written to her very
affectionate letters."
Apparently she made a quick recovery, for her son, Patrick, reported in a letter, dated May 20, 1887, to his brother James (acknowledging receipt of two hundred dollars that James had sent to his mother) that Ann was leaving by train for Minneapolis the following Thursday. By the summer of 1891, Ann was ready to hit the road again. In a letter dated Aug. 26, 1891, she wrote:
"James, Michael your brother
is coming over to Canada with his wife and family, and I would like
to go back with them to Minnesota for awhile. Mike is coming the first
of September and I want you to send me one hundred dollars on the note
you gave me. I need it to bear my expenses, and if I don't get it I
can't go. You won't refuse me I know, James. I would like to get it
as early as possible in September."
Apparently Mike's trip to Canada never materialized that year, but a letter from Ann to James dated Nov. 4, 1892 from Grand Rapids, Minnesota shows that she went out to Minnesota by herself. In part, the letter reads as follows:
"I left Kingston on the 12th Oct. and arrived in Minneapolis on the 14th. I came all alone and was not very tired. I stayed a week in Minneapolis and saw Tom (her son) there every day. He is well. Anthony came to Minneapolis the day after I got there, so I had company to Grand Rapids. It takes a day to make the trip. I like Grand Rapids very much. I did not think it was such a nice place. I don't think I'll ever leave it this time! There is nice weather here yet, much nicer and warmer than it was in Canada when I left there. I did not see Martin yet. I don't think I'll go to see him this winter. Michael and family are all well and send their kindest regards. Mike says he is going back there next summer for sure.
There are big times here now. Tuesday is 'lection day, and you don't hear anything else talked about. The ladies are all going to vote here. They can vote on the school business. This is a good place for girls to work. They get as high as $40 a month.
I must tell you a little about
the size of Grand Rapids. There are eight hotels, nine stores, thirteen
saloons, besides other business places, two papers printed every week,
a nice bank, and they are building a twelve thousand dollar hospital,
three restaurants and one Red Hot stand. We have tailor shops, jewelry
stores, and as nice a hardware store as you would find in Minneapolis,
three churches, a large school-house, two teachers, school nine months
in the year, besides all the private dwellings. No stones or rocks to
be seen."
As noted above, Ann returned to Canada, and made another trip to Maynooth the following winter. Some time after that she moved to her son Patrick's home in Marysville, where she died July 11, 1899. Her tomb is in Holy Name of Mary Parish Cemetery, Marysville.
(all but Margaret (2) born at Erinsville, Ontario)
2. Margaret, born 1841, near
Castlebar, County Mayo, Ireland; emigrated in 1841 with her parents
to Erinsville, Ontario; married about 1865 to Andrew Donovan, Erinsville;
died Oct. 25, 1868. Interred beside her father at Church of the Assumption
Parish Cemetery, Erinsville. No information on Andrew Donovan. They
had one daughter, Johanna.
Photo of Margaret.
3. John, born June 24, 1842; married (1) 1868 to Bridget Ellen Moran, daughter of Patrick and Catherine (Scully) Moran, born County Tipperary, Ireland, died April 29, 1873; married (2) to Ann Ward, daughter of Patrick and Elizabeth (Harrison) Ward, born August 13, 1856, County Longford, Ireland, died march 6, 1930. John died July 31, 1917. Interred with both his wives at St. Ignatius Parish Cemetery, Maynooth.
I know surprisingly little about my great "Uncle Johnny", in spite of the fact that I was well acquainted with six of the 12 members of his second family, as well as his second wife "Aunt Ann." In addition, beginning in 1928 my family lived on the farm that Uncle Johnny and his family carved out of the heavily wooded hills of Monteagle Township. It is rather curious that neither the members of his own family with whom I conversed nor my father's brothers and sisters, all of whom knew Uncle Johnny very well, rarely spoke about him.
He seems to have been a relatively quiet, patient man given to hard work and minding his own business. Being the eldest boy in his family he probably accompanied his father James in 1861-2 when the latter walked from Erinsville (in excess of 100 miles) to Monteagle to "locate" for the 500 acres of Crown Land he purchased there (Lots 18-22, Concession 15, see pp. 185-86). Lots 18 and 19 were assigned to John and they were "patented" in 1863 - one of the first properties in Monteagle Township to be privately deeded and registered.
Between 1863 and 1868, before John married his first wife Bridget Ellen Moran, he built a log shanty about midway along the southern boundary of Lot 19, probably with assistance from his father and brothers. It was in this primitive abode they began their married life in 1868, and John began to clear what eventually became one of the best farms in the Township. The original log barn he constructed is still standing, but by 1928, when our family purchased the property from his youngest son, William Joseph, the only evidence of the original shanty was a depression in the corner of the "west field" partially surrounded by vigorous clumps of lilac bushes. The large, attractive frame house that replaced it was built in 1899-1900 (see below).
No doubt he brought the first essentials of furnishing and livestock from his parents' farm at Erinsville. To begin with, he had a team of oxen to assist in clearing and cultivating the land. One of the old wooden yokes he used on them is still hanging in the post and beam drive-shed he and his sons built in 1905.
On April 29, 1873, just three days after the birth of their fourth child (Patrick), and only five years after their marriage, poor Bridget died, leaving John with four infants to care for. According to his granddaughter, Mrs. Kathleen (McAlpine) Crago, John's good neighbours, Mr. and Mrs. Pat Fitzgerald, who lived about two miles to the east on the Greenview Road came to his assistance. Mrs. Fitzgerald, (nee Elizabeth Leveque) took the new-born baby to her home and looked after him. According to Johnny Moran, his great aunt Bridget Moran who married Johnny McAlpine thought first of marrying Pat Fitzgerald, but in the end she changed her mind and married John McAlpine. Happily John remarried about two years later to another fine Irish girl, Ann Ward. Ann willingly took on the hardships of pioneer life and became a mother to John's four motherless children as well as twelve others of her own that came along over the next 20 years. Little wonder Uncle Johnny didn't travel very much or become too deeply involved in extramural activities. He was too busy at home! He did find time, however, to be one of the first trustees for the local school, S.S. No. 3, Monteagle, established in 1870, where all sixteen of his children received their education.
One rather humourous incident pertaining to Uncle Johnny came down to us through his brother James family. On one of John's infrequent trips to Bancroft, some 20 miles away, he went into the Bancroft Hotel for dinner. There was a fairly close family resemblance between Uncle Johnny and Grandpa Jimmy, and it seems that John, upon seeing himself in a recently installed wall mirror just inside the door of the Hotel, exclaimed "Hunhhm are you down here too Jimmy?!!" Of course, there was no response from Jimmy, but the patrons standing around the bar had a good laugh at Johnny.
Early in the 1900's John and his family built a large post and beam barn on a sturdy stone foundation. The barn was struck by lightning and burned shortly after John died, but a new one built on the same foundation still stands. Also, at the turn of the century, they erected a handsome ten-roomed frame house about one hundred yards from the original shanty. It also remains as an outstanding landmark at the top of "McAlpine Hill". The farm was declared a Century Farm in 1967, and is now called "Panorama Farm" in allusion to the magnificent view of the Hills of Hastings it affords to all comers.
Prior to John's death in 1917 (at age 75) he could stand in the east door of his kitchen and count some thirty-five columns of smoke issuing from the chimneys of as many neighbours homes. No doubt he marvelled at this, for only fifty years before, when he settled there, his own smoke was the only one within a five mile radius.
In 1907-8 John and his family built a large boarding house (McAlpine House) four miles to the west at Maynooth Station to accommodate business men and labourers brought there by the newly established railway service. For many years this was operated by his daughters, Elizabeth, Annie, and Bridget. After John's death, his second wife, Ann, lived in the boarding house with Annie for the remainder of her life. The little rocking chair on which "Aunt Ann" nursed her twelve children now has a place of honour in front of our wood stove. It was found broken and discarded in the attic of John and Ann's house when we moved there in 1928. I made a new rocker for it and restored it a few years ago, and now we cherish it as a family heirloom.
John's first wife, Bridget Ellen, was
first buried in the "Old Catholic Cemetery" at Maynooth, but
eighteen years later when the present "New Cemetery" was established,
her body was exhumed and transferred to a new family plot therein. My
Aunt Margaret McAlpine (daughter of John's brother James) often related
to me that during the transfer, Bridget Ellen's two eldest sons, Martin
and James, opened her coffin to view her remains. They were greatly
surprised to find that her body was still as well preserved as when
it was first buried.
Photos of John & Ann.
4. James, born Sept. 29, 1843,
married Jan. 29, 1877, at Erinsville, Ontario, to Maria Donahoe, daughter
of Michael and Bridget (McKeown, widow of Patrick McAlpine) Donahoe,
born 1849, Erinsville, died Feb. 14, 1911. James died Jan. 21, 1929.
Both James and Maria are interred in St. Ignatius Parish Cemetery, Maynooth,
Ontario.
Picture of James & Maria.
When James was born in 1843 there was no Catholic church in Erinsville, so as soon as his mother was able, she carried James and walked to Kingston to have him baptized - a distance of some fifty miles. He, like his nine brothers and sisters, received all his formal education in the local one-roomed school.
In 1861, when he was eighteen, he accompanied his father and elder brother John to Monteagle Township, in North Hastings to locate for the property that was later to become home to both James and John. They made the trip, about one hundred miles through the woods, on foot. As a result James father bought five one-hundred-acre lots of Crown Land there as 50¢ per acre, namely Lots 18-22 in Concession 15. Lot 20 was for James, Lots 18 and 19 to the east were for John, and Lots 21 and 22 to the west were for James younger brothers Patrick and Michael, respectively. Later, James purchased Lots 21 and 22 from his brothers and erected his buildings at the south east corner of Lot 21 - about a quarter of a mile west of John's place. The pathway between Lots 20 and 21 eventually became a road and is now named the McAlpine Road.
Like John, James built a one-roomed log shanty, complete with cedar "shakes" (shingles made by splitting blocks of wood) on the roof, as his first abode. It seems that several brothers worked together to build John's and James' places. For awhile, James' sister, Catherine, came back to Monteagle and kept house for him, but from 1871-2 until his marriage in 1877 James engaged in the lumbering industry in Minnesota, cutting logs in the fall and winter, and driving them down the rivers in the spring.
Immediately after their wedding, James and Maria moved into their shanty and began the business of farming and raising a family. For a wedding present, Maria's brother Michael Donahoe, a carpenter, came back to their new home with his tools and built them a table, a washstand, a bread-box, a letter cabinet, a cradle and possibly a chest, all from white pine. When my wife, Naomi, and I were married in 1950 my parents handed on to us the washstand and the letter cabinet. I regret, the washstand was discarded (without realizing its significance), but I restored the letter cabinet and use it to hold genealogical material. We also inherited several other of James' and Maria's wedding presents, including several china dinner plates and a violet-tinted glass pitcher which are still with us.
James' and Maria's first born (Bridget Anne, named after both her grandmothers) arrived on Feb. 25, 1878, and by 1896 they had a family of nine - five girls and four boys in eighteen years.
From the outset James took a very active part in the affairs of his community. For forty-three years he was on the local Council either as Councillor or Reeve. He was one of the founders of the local cheese factory built on Lot 16, Concession 15, Monteagle. This was a joint stock company which served all the farmers in the area until the coming of the railroad in 1907. James served as Treasurer of the company. For many years James was also Secretary-Treasurer of the local school (School Section No. 3, Monteagle). Built in 1870 and known as the Fiss School, it was the one attended by all of James' and Johnny's children, as well as by many of their grandchildren and great-grandchildren.
During his first years in the Maynooth area (then known as Doyles Corners after a pioneer business man by the name of Michael Doyle), James spent some months each spring as a river driver, floating timber down the Madawaska River and its tributaries to the Ottawa River at Arnprior. Winters were spent clearing his own land and in the logging industry. He always kept good horses and often used them to draw supplies to the lumber camps in the area. In March 1896, while leading a train of supply teams across Long Lake in Algonquin Park his team broke through the ice. Somehow or other both driver and team were rescued and tragedy was narrowly averted. James was often called upon to transport the visiting priest on his rounds to logging camps and homes as far away as Madawaska and Whitney.
Toward the turn of the century, James and Maria built a new frame house beside their little log shanty, and a new post and beam barn. As the family grew up their new home was a popular gathering place for young and old from far and near - including "city folk" with little knowledge of farm life. On one occasion, an innocent young lady accompanied James and some of his boys to the barn to do the chores. She asked many questions, but was especially intrigued by his big, ugly-looking bull. Finally she asked, "Mr. McAlpine, why do you keep a bull?" Not wishing to go into the details, James replied, "Ah Jingo! We fat'em ye know, we fat'em and kill them." On another occasion, the same sweet young lady visited them during pig-killing time. This time she asked, "Mr. McAlpine, how do you kill a pig?" "Ah", he replied, "we stick 'em ye know, we stick 'em with a knife, and they bleed to death." The poor girl was aghast at the thought and exclaimed, "Oh my, Mr. McAlpine, and where do you stick a pig?" It seems that James' patience was a little thin at the time and he replied rather abruptly, "Ah Jingo, in the arse of course!" Thus ended that particular question period.
James' and Maria's neighbour to the west was James' uncle, James "Poppa" Collins (brother of Ann Collins). James Collins married Maria Rouse and they settled in Monteagle about the same time as the McAlpines. They also had a family of nine children, and James Collins and James McAlpine were very close friends. James Collins' brother, Patrick (Uncle Pat) served as a soldier in the American Civil War in 1861 and was wounded. Following the war, he was given a Veterans Land Grant near Perham, Minnesota, where he took up farming. In the late 1880's, Patrick became unable to work and invited his brother James to take over his farm. In 1890-91, James Collins and his family sold all their holdings in Monteagle and moved to Perham, where the senior Collins spent the remainder of their lives. The two James (McAlpine and Collins) corresponded and one of James Collins letters, dated February 10, 1893, is of particular interest because it mentions many of their mutual friends and neighbours then living in Monteagle. After describing conditions in Perham, and the activities of his family, he wrote:
"I do get a letter once in a while from Canada, but they are very short. So you see there don't be much in them. Your letter soots (sic) me very well; you send me so much news that it satisfies me to a T. I like to hear from Canada often, I'm afraid I'll never see it any more.
What did you do to Old Boehm
(father of Amelia Boehm, married to Fred Fiss)? Did ye throw him overboard
altogether? I thought he would be reeve before now. I would like to
hear how all my good neighbours are getting along. I must name them.
Is John Brown and Mary doing well, and how is old Charlie Kelusky and
his old woman? I can't forget old Bob Carmichael and Mrs. Carmichael;
please give them my respects. Is Granny Williams above ground yet: How
is Jim Moxam getting along in the poultry business, or has he exterminated
all the yellow-legged fowls yet: Is Hop and Go (John Lynch, who had
a short leg) constant on the force at Maynooth yet or who is Mayor there
at present? I suppose he is Grand Master by now. Where is Fred Delore
now and what is he doing? If Fred would come out here, he would not
be sorry for his journey. I would like to see him here. Where is Joe
Chidley, now and what is he doing? How is old Mr. and Mrs. Twa? Give
them my compliments, and give my best respects to old Mr. and Mrs. Fiss
and not forgetting Fred Fiss and wife and family. How is John Rouse
and his boys, or what are they doing or what is keeping them alive?
I am sure I would not like a dog of mine to stay in that country (the
locality of John Rouse's farm). How is Johnny Kelusky getting along?
Is he still clarking for Sam Harryett? Clarks here in Perham gets from
$30 to $40 per month, but generally they have to speak two or three
languages, that is English, German and Polish, and some of them talks
Indian. Johnny (his youngest son) had a great battle with the squaws
here this fall. They were fishing in the lake and had their tents pitched
on our land. When Johnny went for the cows in the evening the squaws
attacked himself and the cows with their dogs. They came very near eating
him up body and bones. They tore his pants badly but they reckoned without
their host. He was forced to draw his revolver and he shot three of
the dogs. The rest retired in good order, squaws and all. Your Uncle,
James Collins."
James' and Maria's first sorrow was the loss of their fourth daughter, Ann Maria, at twenty years of age in 1907. At eighteen years, she began keeping house for the priest at Maynooth and while there she contracted tuberculosis. Her mother nursed her at home, but after two years, she died. Maria then contracted the disease and also died, scarcely four years later. By this time, their three eldest girls, Bridget, Margaret and Tess were old enough to attend the household duties and care for the children. My father, John Patrick, was only five at the time of his mother's death. James remained on his homestead until about 1921. That was the year John Patrick married my mother and took over the family farm. James then went to live with his daughter Theresa "Tess" who had married William Lynchock and lived on a neighbouring farm.
I was born a year later and have childhood memories of my Grandpa Jimmy walking down to "our place" from Lynchock's and visiting us. My last memory of him involves walking back up to Lynchock's with him one day during the summer before he died. By that time he used a cane and during the trip he used it to dispatch an unfortunate garter snake that tried to cross his path.
James died in the winter of 1929, in his 86th year. His obituary, written by Alfred Jordison (school teacher for many years at S.S. No. 3) and published in the Bancroft Times on February 28, 1929, paid this tribute to him:
"On January 21, James
McAlpine, one of North Hastings oldest pioneers passed away. He came
to Monteagle Township upwards of sixty years ago and bought land from
the Crown, which he still owned at the time of his death. In 1877 he
married Maria Donahoe of Erinsville, Ontario, who predeceased him February
14, 1911. To this union were born nine children. The late Mr. McAlpine
took an active part in public affairs, and no man in the district gave
more of his time for the welfare of the community."
5. Patrick, b. 1847, Married 1874 at Erinsville, Ontario, to Catherine Hunt, daughter of Timothy and Mary (Culhane) Hunt, b. 1853?, Erinsville, d. 1942. Patrick died August 22, 1926, at his home in Marysville; he was struck by a train while walking on the railway that traversed his farm. Both he and his wife are interred in Holy Name of Mary Parish Cemetery, Marysville.
Following the completion of his education at the local school in Erinsville, Patrick journeyed to Minnesota (probably in the late 1860's) with his brother James, where he engaged in lumbering and bridge-building. In 1874 he returned to his native village and married Catherine "Kate" Hunt. For the first years of their marriage, they were engaged in the hotel business at Erinsville, Lonsdale and Napanee, and for two years they operated a general store at Shannonville.
In 1884 he purchased the John Sweeny farm, Lot 29, Concession 1, Tyendinaga Township, located just south of Holy Name of Mary Church, Marysville, from Mrs. Sweeny then a widow. Before the church was built in 1837, the Catholic members of the community celebrated Mass in this pioneer home. When Patrick purchased the place, he and his mother at least, considered it "one of the nicest farms around Napanee" (see p. 191). For a number of years he rented his new farm, but later, Patrick and his family moved there and farmed it themselves for the rest of their lives, then passed it on to their son Michael. The fine old stone house is now owned and occupied by his grandson, Michael Leo McAlpine, but most of the farm itself has been sold. Throughout his life, Patrick and his brothers and sisters, especially James, enjoyed a close relationship. Perhaps the best way to show this is by reproducing a number of letters that Patrick wrote to James. These letters also provide some interesting insights about people and events of the times.
The oldest letter I have was written from Willow River, Minnesota, February 26, 1872, (James was also in Minnesota at that time) c/o T. Scott, Stanchfields Camp, Branard P.O. Patrick wrote as follows:
"My dear brother:
I take the pleasure of writing a few lines to you hoping to find you in good health as I am in. James I received your kind letter Friday, the 24 which gave me much pleasure to hear that you were well.
I will now let you know the particulars. I had a letter from home in this month. They are all well. Pat Calpin (son of John and Ann (McKeown) McAlpine) is gone down river. Last Monday he pleaded sick , but my opinion is he was not very sick. He told me he would come up to drive. Pat gave me credit for thirty dollars he said he owed you. I told the boss to set it down against him. I don't know if he done it or not. He is gone down river, but will be back soon and I will know then.
I had a letter from Bridget
Calpin (Pat Calpin's mother) last Thursday. They are all well. Ann (Pat
Calpin's sister) was home and is now gone down to St. Anthony. Uncle
Pat (perhaps Patrick Collins) was up there the first of this month.
He went down with Ann to St. Anthony. I had a letter from Garry, he
is coming up to drive with us. I saw Edward Nary in January, he and
Jack O'Hearn went up for Jack Tid. They are sawing together. I had a
letter from Edward last night, he sends his best respects to you James.
I don't know whether I will drive here yet or not. I expect I shall
though. James we had a sad accident happen in Sam's Lower Camp. There
was a man by the name of Ore (Hoare?) killed by a tree; it struck him
on the back and smashed him all to pieces. He came out here from Maine
last fall.
I have no more today. I come to a close by sending you my best respects.
Write soon and oblige your
brother Patrick. Address your letter to Mud River Station, c/o Sam Lorens."
The next letter I have was written to James in Maynooth, from Napanee, May 18, 1884, as follows:
"Dear Brother:
I take pleasure in addressing a few lines to you hoping to find you in good health as the date of this letter leaves us at present, thanks be to God. James I was sorry to hear of your sickness. I was told in Belleville. Fred Fiss told me. I thought by the way he told me that you were cooked. But I got your letter for Mother in care of me. I opened it and seen you were getting better. When I came home from Belleville I was going to write but I was waiting for a letter from you. Mother stayed with me two weeks, then she went to Henry McKeown's (brother-in-law, married to Anne McAlpine). I was out there last Sunday. Ann was after being confined about an hour. She has got a young daughter (Catherine "Tat" McKeown). She was as smart as could be expected. Kate (Patrick's wife) and I were both there. We left on Monday at noon. Mother hasn't been to Anthony's yet. I got a letter from Martin (Patrick's brother) a few days ago. He is well and is coming home this fall. Tom (another brother) is in Minneapolis with Mike (another brother). They have that saloon on First Street, two blocks from the bridge - East Minneapolis Saloon and Billiards Rooms. Martin (another brother) is on the drive.
James I suppose ye heard of
Mr. Donahoe's death (Michael Donahoe, father of James' wife, Maria).
I am sorry to have to tell you of it. A week ago Friday he was sitting
on the chair, and he fell off and never spoke after. He died on Saturday
and was buried on Monday. It was a sad news for Mariah, but those things
can't be helped.
James I was quite sick myself this spring. I went to Dr. Sullivan in Kingston and am feeling pretty well now. James, Mother will write as soon as she comes from Ann's, or as soon as Ann gets better. Mother is very sorry to hear of your sickness and the children's. She said she feels for Mariah. It was such hard word for her.
James the times is very dull here this spring. We had two weeks of nice weather, but it is wet now. Michael Donahoe (brother of James' wife, Maria) is clerking for Bill Flanagan. The people are about done sowing here. I must bring my letter to a close James. I hope it will find you and Mariah in good health - and the children. Mother sends kindest regards to ye James. Give my regards to John (brother) and wife and family. Remember me to Uncle James (James Collins) and wife (Maria Rouse) and family and to Simon Rouse and wife (Bridget Collins) and family and all enquiring friends. Kate (his wife) sends her kindest regards to you.
I remain, your brother, Patrick
McAlpine."
On November 6, 1884, he wrote again, as follows, in reply to a letter he received from James:
"Dear Brother:
I received your kind letter a day or two ago. I gave me much pleasure to hear that you were in good health, as the date leaves us in, thanks be to God.
I have seen Deroche (Judge
J.M. Deroche in Belleville) in regard to any claims to the land. There
is no claim unless that of Mike's (their brother) on Lot 22, (the lot
on which James was living) and I don't know if his claim is any good
or not. There is nothing filed or registered in his name. Any other
claims would be no use as there was no deed for the land from the Crown
when father died. If there was deeds from the Crown to father when he
died there would be claims against the land, but the only claim there
could be now would be Michael's, if he should have any against Lot 22.
In that case he would write to the government and send a quick claim.
He could claim the land. Mother is at Henry McKeown's. She will be down
in a few days, and if she knows anything about his quick claim or knows
where it is, I will send it to you. But your best way would be to send
away to Michael and get him to sign off his claim for Lot 22 to you.
Give him the number of the lot and concession, and he can draw up a
quick claim there and send it to you. I will give you Mike's address
Mike McAlpine's Saloon and Pool Rooms
201 First Street, North
Minneapolis, Minnesota
James there is some news I will let you know. Johnny Hunt (brother of Patrick's wife) is married to Annie Gaffney. They had a big wedding. We were there. The Flanigan boys were there - not asked - and they burned the bridge at Mulhollands. But we got across, and they threw stones at us out of the bushes. But Anthony and I caught the chap that threw the stones. It was at Anthony the stones were thrown. It was young Tom Flanigan we caught. George was a little way off and he got away. We did not see him, it was lucky for him we didn't.
James I have bought one of the best farms in Tyendinaga. It is at the Station, the second farm west of the Station. It is a fine farm. There is a large stone house on it. I paid $7,850. I paid $5,350 down on it. I have it rented for $350 per year for four years.
Give my regards to Mariah and children and to John and wife and family and friends.
Kindest regards,
Pat McAlpine"
In a letter he wrote to James, April 17, 1887, he was concerned mainly with making plans for their mother to go to Minneapolis. It contains the following passage:
"I can't tell you now the exact time she will start but I can when you write again. She is going by Chicago.
James I had a letter from Mike and Tom a few days ago. They are all well. Maggie Donovan (probably a sister of Andrew Donovan, husband of their late sister Margaret) went to Minneapolis last week. She is with Johanna (Johanna Donovan, daughter of Margaret (McAlpine Donovan) sewing. She got along alright and Annie Donovan (sister of Andrew and Maggie ?) is in Dakota teaching school - getting $35.00 per month. There is some talk of Ellen Mahoney and Bob Shannon getting married, and Jack Neil and Mary McLaughlin. Owen Ingoldsby and Mike McCormick are dead.
I will send you Tom's and Mike's address: Tom McAlpine, no 9, Main St., N.E. Minneapolis, Minnesota. If you write Mike send it care of Tom, as Mike is buying a hotel in Anoca, and he might have moved.
James, tell John (their brother)
that I will write him after a couple of weeks as I am going to Tweed
for awhile to sell out if possible."
The last letter I have from Patrick was written May 20, 1887. In it he thanked James for two hundred dollars he had sent to his mother for her trip to Minneapolis. It includes the following information:
"Dear Brother:
Mother is going to start on next Thursday evening. She will be in Belleville about six o'clock. She will be in Minneapolis Saturday morning about 9 or 10 o'clock, if nothing happens. Tell Dr. O'Brien (who seems to have been making the same trip) that a ticket from Napanee costs $23.00. That is the best that can be done.
James I received a letter from Michael yesterday. He is going out on a new branch of the Minneapolis and Pacific Railroad about the first of June. He has been out there on some business, and is going in some business out there. Neil Donovan is out on that Road. I had a letter from Maggie Donovan, she is sowing at Mike's. Also had a letter from Annie Donovan. She is teaching school in Wallhalal, Dakota, about 18 miles from Tom McKeown's place.
James, Mike McAlpine is back in Minneapolis again, I mean Mike from Iowa (Iowa Mike). I don't know whether he sold his place or not.
Kindest regards to you, not forgetting Maria and family. Tell John and Aunt Biddy (Bridget Collins, wife of Simon Rouse) that mother is going.
From you brother,
Pat McAlpine."
Patrick and Kate had seven children, and in addition, they raised Patrick Hunt, son of Terrence "Tadie" and Catherine (McAlpine) Hunt, whose mother died at little Patrick's birth. (Tadie Hunt was a brother of Kate (Hunt) McAlpine, and Catherine (McAlpine) Hunt was a sister of Patrick McAlpine.) Both Patrick and Kate were very well known, active and highly esteemed members of their community. Patrick's obituary summed it up as follows:
"Mr. McAlpine was one of the best known men of Tyendinaga. He was always active in the interests of the township, serving in the council for nine years as councilman and reeve. Two years ago he had the unique honour of celebrating his "Golden Jubilee".
During his long life he exemplified
in every way the qualities of a gentleman of outstanding character and
sterling Christian faith. His funeral, largely attended, was held on
Tuesday morning from the family home to St. Mary's Church, Marysville,
where a Solemn High Mass of Requiem was celebrated by Rev. F. O'Gorman,
parish priest. Floral tributes and numerous spiritual offerings testified
to the high esteem in which the deceased was held."
6. Anne, b. Nov. 2, 1849, m. 1871, at Erinsville to Henry McKeown, son of , b. July 25, 1845, d. Aug. 8, 1915. Anne d. Oct. 7, 1928.
Henry and Anne farmed all their lives
at Moscow, Ontario. They had three girls and three boys.
7. Catherine,
b. 1852, m. at Erinsville, to Terrence "Tadie" Hunt, son of
Timothy and Mary (Culhane) Hunt, b. , d. . Catherine d. , following
the birth of their only child, Patrick James. She is interred at Church
of the Assumption Parish Cemetery, Erinsville.
8. Michael, b. Feb. 1853, m. Feb. 16, 1882, in Stillwater, Minnesota, to Anna Estella Hilling, daughter of , b. Oct. 3, 1855 at Port Chester, New York, d. Feb. 20, 1936. Michael d. 1934. He and his wife are interred in Calvary Cemetery, Grand Rapids, Minnesota.
When Mike, as he was usually known (Black Mike as opposed to Red Mike, son of John and Ann (McKeown) McAlpin), was about eighteen, when he went to Minnesota, either with his eldest brothers, James and Patrick, or a short time later. Upon his arrival there, he hired out in lumber camps, first as a cookee, then as a cook and later in other capacities, working mostly for the Shevlin and F.P. Clark Company. In 1874 he walked from Aitkin, Minnesota, which was then the end of the railroad, to Grand Rapids. After working six years in the north woods of Itasca County, he went to Minneapolis with his earnings and bought a hotel there. He operated this for a time until it burned to the ground taking with it all his assets. Following this misfortune, he returned to Grand Rapids to obtain a new "stake" from the lumber camps.
I have two letters that Mike wrote to his brother James that throw some light on his interests and activities at that time. The first one was written from Trout Lake, Minnesota, March 14, 1877 (the year James came home to get married). It reads as follows:
"Dear Brother:
I received your kind and welcome letter today which gave me great pleasure to hear ye were all well, which this leaves me at present. We have a good time here this winter. There is no snow in this part of the country since the first of February. All the camps on the long roads is broke up a month ago. We are dragging in here on go-divels right along the bank of the lake.
Jim I got a letter from Tom (their brother) a week ago. He is in Wisconsin. Jim, I will go home next summer, that is if I don't go to the Black Hills. Jim Affleck and I are thinking about going there if we don't drive here in May. John Whitehead is going to leave Minneapolis tomorrow with a crew of men for the Hills. Jim, Charlie Hatch ain't here this winter and John Stanchfield is our cook.
Jim, I suppose you heard about Molly Ellsworth dying last fall. The priest was to see her two or three times before she died. She was buried in the Catholic burrying ground. Kate Noonan shot young Sidell last week, the banker's son, in the First National Bank. John Cronin and Maggie O'Leary got married this winter.
Jim, I haven't got much to say this time, but I am thankfull to you for paying them today. Let me know how much it is and I will send it to you when I go down, that is if I don't go home next summer.
Jim, I didn't see Bob McCabe and Ed O'Grady since last fall. I saw them then at the Rapids. I saw Jim Lawrence this winter; he was enquiring for you.
No more for now. Give my respects to Mariah and John and his wife, and all enquiring friends.
Your brother,
Mike McAlpine
Address: Grand Rapids,
F.P. Clark's Camp,
Trout Lake, Minnesota"
The second letter, also from Trout
Lake, May 27, 1879, follows:
"My Dear Brother:
I now write to you those few lines, hoping to find yours all in good health as this leaves me at present. I am not going down river this summer. I am taking care of F.P. Clark's Camp and Logging Outfit. I am getting $35.00 a month. I have nothing to do, only I am alone and it is pretty lonesome. Nobody to talk to only my dog or some old squaws. But that is better than Montana Territory or Dakota where I was last summer. I don't want any more sixty rounds of cartridges strung to my body or an old musket if I can keep out of it. The 29th of October last put the fear of God in my heart. About 12 o'clock at night the Indians fired in onto us. We all had to get to the front. We fired about 20 rounds at them. We were on an island they were afraid to come too near us. You bet I kept awful close to a big cottonwood tree that grew on the bank of the Yellowstone River. I had one eye on watch for the Indians and the other on a little boat that was in the water if it became too hot for us. That was the second time they bothered us on the trip. The other time there weren't as many of them. They got away from us too quick.
I was on Custer's battleground about 300 miles west of the Black Hills. They wanted me to go with them this summer through to Idaho. They are going to start June 1. I thought I was better to stop here. It is a nice trip only for the Indians. $50.00 a month once you leave St. Paul 'till you arrive back.
Jim, I want you to write and let me know all the particulars. Let me know how Johnny is, and his wife and family. As for you, I don't know if you got any family only Mariah! Give my respects to Mariah. I will go home next summer. This is my last trip up river. Let know if Annie Burk got married yet or not.
Mike Jones is dead and buried.
Tom is in Wisconsin. No more at present.
Your brother,
Mike McAlpine
Address: Grand Rapids, c/o
F.P. Clark's Camp."
In 1882 he married "Aunt Stell", whom he met in a Grand Rapids Hotel, and who came there by river boat, one of the first white women to reach what was then Grand Rapids on the Mississippi River. At about this time, Mike (perhaps jointly with his brother Tom) purchased the East Minneapolis Saloon and Billiards Room, on First Street, Minneapolis, later known as Mike McAlpine's Saloon and Pool Rooms, 201 First St. N, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
About this time Mike and his wife went into the hotel business in Minneapolis, operating the Clifton House. Here the four oldest of their six children were born. But Mike longed to return to Grand Rapids, so they sold out and moved back. They built a new house in 1890-91, the first frame home in Grand Rapids, in which the two youngest children were born, and the parents spent the remainder of their lives. Mike engaged in the hotel business and logging enterprises, and branched out into real estate, acquiring very substantial resources as time went on.
Some idea of the roles played by he and his wife can be gathered from some newspaper articles by Maureen Petersen of Grand Rapids; sent to me, they were taken from a scrap-book of their niece, Ann McKeown (daughter of Henry and Ann (McAlpine) McKeown).
At the 25th Annual Ball of the Itasca Old Settlers Association, celebrated February 14, 1924, Mike and Stell were featured as the oldest Grand Rapids residents. Their pictures, as they looked about the time of their wedding in 1882, accompanied a write-up in the local paper. Part of the article reads as follows:
"Mike" (as he is known throughout the county), veteran lumberjack, timberman and realtor came to Grand Rapids in November 1874, the first whiteman to reside here. Mrs. McAlpine, whose residence here dates back to 1882 (actually 1880), is one of the first white women to live in the village. The McAlpine residence was built in 1890, the first frame house in Grand Rapids. It was constructed in a dense pine woods, but is now located near the center of the village on State Highway No. 35.
Mike helped to clear out the forest to make the village streets. His first work was in the F.P. Clark lumber camps on Pokegama Lake, where hauling was done with cattle (oxen) and logging drives meant "16 hours work a day, the men many times wet to the waist with cold water:.
From the beginning, Mike maintained friendly relations with the Indians in this territory and is today counted by those people as a trusted friend. In 1881, Mike "quit" the woods and entered the real estate business here. In 1891 he built the McAlpine Business Block which stands today in the business section, and is one of the finest buildings in the country. During their residence of 50 years and more in Grand Rapids, Mr. and Mrs. McAlpine have been identified with many enterprises.
In 1891, Grand Rapids was organized and in June of that year, Mr. McAlpine was elected the first president (mayor) of the village. He was also chosen as one of the charter officers of the Itasca County Agricultural Association. In 1892, his influence was important in the struggle between Grand Rapids and La Prairie (then a village of about 150 residents) for the county seat. This was permanently established at Grand Rapids in the general election of November 1892. (This is the time Mike's mother visited them for the last time, see page 192.)
Elaborate preparations are
being made for celebration of this year's Old Settlers Ball. It is the
largest social event of the year at Grand Rapids, and more than 500
are expected to attend. Eligibility to the dance requires residence
in the county prior to 1903."
One of Mike's business ventures was a holiday resort (summer hotel) called Ogema Hotel on Pokegama Lake, built and operated in partnership with John McDonald, also of Grand Rapids. For many years, this served as the recreation center for the McAlpine and McDonald families and their friends, as well as for Church socials, Sunday School Picnics, and other community gatherings. An account of one week's holiday, as follows, was printed in the Hibbing Tribune, probably about 1925:
"A Week at Pokegama Lake.
One week ago last Monday was the time set by McAlpine and McDonald to start with their families for a week's outing at Pokegama Lake.
An invitation to join the party was extended to Mrs. Martin Welsh, Misses Annie Smith, and Susie Mooney and Messers. Herbert Class, James McDonald and T.H. Irvin.
The lake is about three and one-half miles from Grand Rapids and just at daybreak carriages were waiting to drive the pleasure-seekers out to it.
John McDonald prepared for the early start by sending a heavy dray the evening before loaded with everything that would add to the pleasure and comfort of the occasion that was not already at the lake.
The early morning drive was exilerating and prepared all hands to heartily enjoy the breakfast gotten up by the ladies of the crowd on arriving at McAlpine's and McDonald's summer cottage.
The cottage is situated on the banks of the lake and is surrounded on the other three sides by 50 or 60 acres of tilled land. On this land there is growing wheat, corn, oats, potatoes, carrots, turnip, lettuce, celery, etc., besides apples, plums, cherries, grapes, etc., in the fruit line. And still nothing could prevent the men in the party getting fish lines and hurriedly digging some bait to catch a dozen nice bass for breakfast.
After breakfast the steam yacht was brought up to the dock and the party set out on a cruise among the islands and along the shores, for Pokegama Lake has a beautiful shore-line of over 280 miles. On one of the many trips on the lake, the party landed at Bobadosh Point, on the Indian Reservation. The smoke from the wigwams disclosed the location of the dusky proprietors, and a messenger was sent to them in quest of berries for lunch. During his absence the rest of the company made themselves at home in various ways and in some of the meanderings discovered a tiny papoose strapped solidly to a board, lying alone in the shade of a tree. The gentlemen are of the opinion that the ladies did, on the sly, kiss the youthful host of the forest, though the ladies resolutely refused all proffered rewards for their courageous deed. With considerable reluctance they left the young chieftain and returned to the boat where the basket of berries which the messenger brought added yet another to the many good things prepared for the refreshing of the inner man.
The week was spent in boating, fishing, tramping and camping and was one round of restful pleasure to which none added a larger share than Misses Mable and Gertrude McAlpine. All saw with regret Saturday's sun sink low on their holiday come to a close, but the memory of it will live ling in the minds of the whole party, and McDonald and McAlpine get another "Hip! Hip!" as right royal entertainers.
One of the Party."
In his later years, Mike was afflicted with sugar diabetes, but he remained in active business until his 79th year. At that time, circulatory problems developed resulting in the loss of one leg, and death the following year. When he was 78 he and his two daughters, Gertrude and Margaret, visited his relatives and friends in Ontario, including my father and mother in Monteagle. I remember him as a stocky, balding, active man full of fun and enthusiasm.
His obituary in the local paper paid him the following tributes:
"Hundreds of sorrowing friends and relatives gathered at the family home and at St. Joseph's Catholic Church to pay their last respects to Michael McAlpine, aged 80, patriarch of the north woods and friend to all, who died Sunday, after a long and hard fight to regain his health. The body was taken to the Cemetery he helped to create, and laid to rest under the pines which he dearly loved and in which he spent so many years of his life.
Showing the esteem in which he was held by all creed, short services were held at the home by Rev. S.W. Arends of the Community Church just prior to the funeral at St. Joseph's Catholic Church at 9:30 Wednesday morning. Rev, Father Thomas E. Hennebry officiated. Internment was in Calvary Cemetery. The pallbearers were William Hoolihan, J.R. O'Malley, F.E. King, John Costello, Carl J. Eiler, and J.S. Gole. Honorary pallbearers, to the number of forty, escorted the body to the church and to the grave.
Mike, during his 59 years in this section, led an interesting and colourful life. He had many experiences with the Indians who came to know and trust him probably more than any white man in this section. Not very long ago, while T.T. Riley, now of Nashwauk, was sheriff, it was necessary to bring in an Indian who had committed murder, and Mike was the only one who could do this, as the Indian would surrender to no one else. Upon another occasion, a band of Indians planned to attack the whites here, and while they were holding a council of war, Mike and another white man frustrated their plans by pouring water down the barrels of their old-fashioned muskets rendering the guns unserviceable. At another time when smallpox was raging through the woods and killing many, he was deputized to keep the Indians and others from fleeing to Aitkin and thus prevented further spread of the disease.
Old Mike's home was always open to all and his own funeral was the nineteenth held from it. Strangers and others who died and lacked friends were taken to the McAlpine home for the last services of the dead.
May his soul rest in peace."
9. Thomas, b. Dec. 26, 1856, m. 1895, at Washburn, Wisconsin to Katherine Reiter, b. , d. , daughter of . Thomas d. 1899. He is interred at Itasca Cemetery, Grand Rapids, Minnesota.
Thomas "Tom" left his home quite possibly against his mother's wishes, when he was fifteen years of age (autumn of 1871) and joined his brothers James, Patrick and Michael in Minnesota. I have very little personal knowledge about him, except that his relatives (nieces and nephews) at Maynooth always spoke of him as a "very fine looking man". One letter he wrote to his mother, January 6, 1879, from Fifield, Wisconsin, was found among the letters kept by Tom's brother James. Apparently his mother had sent it on to James at Maynooth. It reads as follows:
"My Dear Mother:
I take the opportunity of writing you these few lines hoping to find you all in good health as these few lines leave me at present, thanks be to God for His kind mercies to us all.
Dear Mother, this is the third letter I wrote to you since I left home, and received no answer. I hope you will answer this one. If you don't think it worth your while to answer them, send them back. I hope you will answer this one and let me know how you are all getting along. Dear Mother, when you write let me know how Ann (his sister) and Henry (McKeown) are. I received a letter from Mike (his brother) about a month ago. He was after getting back from Montana Territory. He was out there all summer. When you write let me know how all the neighbours are. Write soon, don't delay the answer one minute.
I guess I will bring my letter
to close by sending you all my best respects. No more at present.
From your disobedient son,
Thomas McAlpine
Address: Fifield, W.C.R.R.,
Wisconsin"
The remaining information I have on Tom is extracted from two obituaries that appeared in local papers at the time of his death in 1899. For these, and for similar information on Tom's youngest brother, Anthony, I am very grateful to Maureen Petersen, Grand Rapids Minnesota, who contacted me in 1989 following the tragic death of Ann M. McKeown, a granddaughter of Henry and Ann (McAlpine) McKeown. The obituary that appeared in the Grand Rapids paper reads as follows:
"Death of Thomas McAlpine
The Grim Reaper Cuts Down the Life of Our Former Townsman
Sunday morning at 5:00 o'clock Thomas McAlpine passed to the great beyond at his home in Washburn, Wis. after an illness of just seven days from the time that dreaded disease, typhoid-pneumonia, had laid the hand of death upon his sturdy frame. Word by wire was immediately sent to his brothers Michael and Anthony who reside here. They left for Washburn on the afternoon train accompanied by Mrs. A. McAlpine. When the news spread about town there were expressions of genuine sorrow heard on every hand, because Thomas McAlpine was as well known and well respected and liked as any man who ever resided in this community. In the prime of his life, of magnificent physique, he was summoned to the other world ere his earthly race was little more than half way run. And thus the deep grief so generally felt was mingled with sad surprise. The remains were brought here for interment in Itasca Cemetery, arriving at noon today. A large concourse of friends were at the train to meet the sorrowing widow and a delegation from the local lodge of Modern Woodsmen of which the deceased was a member accompanied the remains to the home of Michael McAlpine. Wednesday morning at 9 o'clock services were held at St. Joseph's Catholic Church, conducted by Rev. Father Mackey. The church was filled with friends of our former townsman and his grief-stricken widow. At 10 o'clock the remains were followed to the last resting place by a long cortege, notwithstanding the extreme cold weather. The pall-bearers were: F.L. McCormick, Wm. Montcalm, Geo. A. Vient, W.A. Kelly, Nels Passanault and Adolph Courteau.
Thomas McAlpine was forty-three years of age at the time of his death. He was born in Sheffield (Township), Ontario, December 26, 1861 (actually 1856) and at the age of fifteen he left his native country and came to the States. From '83 to '85 he was engaged in business in Grand Rapids in company with his brother Michael. In the latter year he disposed of his interests here and engaged in business in Minneapolis where he remained for ten years. Returning again to Grand Rapids in the summer of 1897, he started the Itasca Laundry and successfully conducted it until March of last year, when he and his family went to Washburn, Wisconsin, and engaged in the same business, which occupied his attention up to the time of his death. The deceased belonged to the Order of Odd Fellows and was also a member of the Order of Modern Woodsmen of America.
In 1895 he was married to Miss
Katherine Reiter in Minneapolis. Besides the widow and bright little
three year old boy, the deceased left to mourn his loss, six brothers
and one sister. Two of his brothers reside in Grand Rapids, Michael
and Anthony; John, James, and Patrick and sister Anna still remain at
the old house in Ontario (not really at the old house). Martin is a
resident of Wright County, this state. The deeply bereaved widow cannot
be consoled or reconciled to the great loss she has sustained by any
words of sympathy, but if that God-given attribute can in any measure
brighten the heavy heart-load she bears today, it is indeed extended
in full measure by all this community."
Nothing further is known of Thomas' wife Katherine Reiter.
10. Martin, b. June 6, 1858, m. Nov. 3, 1891-92, at Maple Lake, Minnesota, to Agnes O'Loughlin, b. Nov. 7, 1865?, d. May 20, 1858, daughter of . Martin d. Sept. 8, 1913. Interred at the Catholic cemetery (St. Timothy's Church) at Maple Lake.
Martin and his brother Anthony, being the two youngest members of the their family were the last to leave their home at Erinsville. He was only fifteen years of age when his father died, so it fell to him and Anthony to be their mother's mainstay in carrying on the farming operations at the pioneer homestead. Both their names are frequently mentioned in letters (quoted above) written by their mother and brothers. According to p. 362 of Franklyn Curtis Wedge's History of Wright County Minnesota42, Martin emigrated to Minneapolis, Minnesota in 1885. There he engaged in business for four years, operating a liquor saloon on Washington Ave. In 1890 he sold his saloon in Minneapolis and moved to Maple Lake, in Corinna Township, where he purchased 80 acres of timberland bordering on Summers Lake at $5.00 an acre. For the first two years at Maple Lake, he and a John Hamilton owned and operated another saloon located where the American Legion Club now stands. Martin took room and board at Maple Lake's hotel just across the street from their saloon. Here he met his future wife, Agnes O'Loughlin. Less than two years later, they were married. Martin sold his interest in the saloon, purchased another 80 acres of land and began clearing a farm on his original 80 acre property. With the help of Martin's cousin, Michael (Red Mike) McAlpine (son of John and Ann (McKeown) McAlpin) and his team of horses, they hauled lumber and built a pioneer house, barn, granary, and chicken-house on the three and a half acres that were cleared. Together, over the next several years, they cut off the heavy timber, cleared and "grubbed" their land. By their industry and hard work they soon developed a splendid farm and brought some 75 acres to a high state of cultivation. According to his son Mark, they did a lot of fishing in Summer Lake, where they caught plenty of large fish, especially in winter.
In 1912 Martin and his family built a beautiful modern frame residence. But he did not live long to enjoy it. During the night of Sept. 7, 1913, he awakened feeling ill. In the dark, he took a quantity of what he supposed was medicine but, alas, it was poison. He died from its effect the next day, at the age of 54, with his wife and family of nine children gathered at his bedside.
To quote Franklin Curtis-Wedge again, Martin's "sterling worth won favor with his neighbours, and he became one of the prominent and successful men of the community".
Martin's widow Agnes, remarried Wm.
Elsenpeter, and they continued to live on the farm at Maple Lake until
1930. The farm was later sold and is no longer in the family.
11. Anthony, b. 1860, m. Aug. 10, 1898, at Grand Rapids ?, Minnesota, to Etta Doray, b. , d. . Anthony d. May , 1921. He is interred at Calvary Cemetery, Grand Rapids.
All that I know about Anthony is a few remarks concerning him in letters written by his mother and brothers, and the testimonies that appeared in local papers at the time of his death. It is apparent that he remained at home in Erinsville longer than any of his brothers and sisters. A letter dated Nov. 6, 1884, from his brother Patrick to brother James indicates that Anthony was still at home at that time. But a letter from their mother while she was visiting brother Michael in Grand Rapids, Nov. 4, 1892 shows that Anthony was then living in Minnesota. In the obituary written for Anthony (May, 1921) it is stated that he "came to Grand Rapids from Canada about 31 years ago". This would indicate that he moved there about 1890, probably during his 31st year.
Anthony seems to have had a rather tragic life. Five of his six children died within a few days of their birth. Following the death of their last child, he and his wife separated. She later remarried a Dr. Stewart, to whom she bore a son. Anthony continued to live in Grand Rapids, where he operated a business on Leland Ave. He seems to have had a close relationship with his first cousins, the family of Henry and Ann (McAlpine) McKeown, for their names, dates of birth, death, etc., are recorded in his family Bible.
His obituary (May 1921) reads as follows:
"Local Pioneer Dies.
Anthony McAlpine, Resident of Grand Rapids 31 Years, Dies of Cancer in Duluth.
Anthony McAlpine, one the old settlers of Grand Rapids, died at St. Mary's Hospital, Duluth, Monday evening at six o'clock after an illness of several months from cancer of the throat. Mr. McAlpine made repeated trips to Rochester during the past year where he took radium treatments for his disease but no cure could be effected and he had been a patient of St. Mary's since March.
Surviving the deceased are his son Myron, who resides at Palisades in this state, one sister, Mrs. Henry McKeown, mother of Frank McKeown, who lives at Moscow, Ontario, and four brothers, Mike of Grand Rapids, Pat of Marysville, Ontario, James and John of Maynooth, Ontario. Five children of Mr. McAlpine are buried in Calvary Cemetery here.
Mr. McAlpine came to Grand Rapids from Canada about 31 years ago and was in business here most of that time, having just recently disposed of his business house on Leland Ave. to the Electrical Service Company and Gates and Wise, plumbers. He was a quiet, unassuming gentleman but enjoyed a wide circle of good friends who regret his death but realize that he is spared considerable suffering from the disease that at times caused much pain.
Funeral services were held
from St. Joseph's Catholic Church, Thursday morning at 9 o'clock, and
burial was made in Calvary Cemetery."
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